In Afghanistan, the Taliban’s anti-Daesh squad gains a reputation for ruthlessness

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A Pashtun boy warily eyes an Afghan government soldier in Zabul province, southern Afghanistan. The region is at the heart of a bitter fight for supremacy between Taliban and Daesh rivals. (AN Photo/Chris Sands)
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Red Unit fighters made their name crushing dissent within the Taliban.
Updated 28 June 2018
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In Afghanistan, the Taliban’s anti-Daesh squad gains a reputation for ruthlessness

  • The elusive commando ‘Red Unit’ strikes fear even among its fanatical rivals
  • The insurgent's commandos also target Afghan forces and Nato troops

KABUL: Hunkered down in mountain trenches overlooking a vast area of desert and mud-walled houses in southern Afghanistan, the Daesh fighters opened fire on the approaching Taliban, wounding four and sending the others scrambling for cover.

It was the start of a battle neither group could afford to lose. Whoever triumphed would take a significant step toward controlling the future of one of the world’s most intractable insurgencies.

Daesh wanted to turn Afghanistan into the latest outpost in its self-declared caliphate, while the Taliban feared being overrun by the fanatics who made their name sweeping all before them in Iraq and Syria.

What happened next — in the fall of 2015 — has gone down in radical circles as the moment a new Taliban rapid-response force gained a decisive advantage in the extremists’ bitter civil war.

Now notorious among civilians and fellow militants, the force has gone on to play a key role in the Taliban’s increasingly violent and effective campaign to retake control of Afghanistan. It is the spearhead of what the Afghan government refers to as the “Red Unit” or “Danger Unit” — an elite group of thousands of insurgent commandos equipped with US-made assault rifles, night vision apparatus, heavy machine guns and 82mm rockets.

In contrast to their rival’s growing strength, Daesh has resorted to staging spectacular attacks on soft targets in Kabul, seemingly conceding that it cannot hold swathes of territory against its better organized foe.

“Before the war we were walking around jointly, not bothering each other,” recalled Qazi Halim, a nom de guerre for one of the Taliban’s quick-reaction force commandos. Now “this is the only unit which has defeated Daesh and of which Daesh is afraid,” he said.

Halim, a Pashtun in his late 20s or early 30s, was speaking to Arab News shortly before he was killed in a US airstrike on Tuesday.

A three-day cease-fire between the Taliban and the Afghan government during Eid this month led to joyous scenes across Afghanistan, as insurgents mingled freely with soldiers and government officials. The Taliban said that the brief truce proved the fundamentalist movement was united and that “all combatants strictly follow” orders. This has not always been the case, however.

For months before the 2015 confrontation in Zabul province, a fierce struggle for the right to lead Afghanistan’s insurgency had been unfolding within the Taliban.

The movement was openly divided for the first time in its history as rank-and-file members reeled from the news that its spiritual founder, Mullah Mohammed Omar, had died from natural causes in 2013, only for his closest confidants to cover up his death for more than two years. Daesh hoped to exploit the divisions and become the main insurgent faction in the region.

In response to this unprecedented challenge to its dominance, the Taliban stepped up plans to activate a special forces commando unit tasked with crushing any dissent within the movement’s ranks and wiping out its rivals, Halim told Arab News.

In the summer of 2015, pictures began circulating on social media showing the Red Unit already in training, with recruits dressed in combat fatigues and black balaclavas doing push-ups, firing heavy machine guns and crawling through obstacle courses. But it was not until the Taliban began to fracture after Omar’s confirmed death that the commandos sprang into action.

Arab News has learnt that the Red Unit is divided into several battalion-sized teams of 300 to 350 men, picked according to how they perform at the Taliban’s training camps. Each team is given responsibility for a province. In emergencies, the teams work together to cover a zone consisting of several provinces. As well as fighting rival insurgents, they also fight Afghan government forces and US troops.

One of the first teams was sent to the province of Farah, on the Iranian border in western Afghanistan, where a Taliban splinter group under a dissident commander, Mullah Mohammed Rasool, had formed.

The Red Unit’s commandos swept into the area with devastating effect, killing several of Rasool’s men and forcing him to flee to Pakistan. Mullah Mansour Dadullah, an experienced fighter from a notorious insurgent family, stepped into his place.

Under Dadullah’s leadership, the Taliban splinter group declared its allegiance to Daesh and moved into Zabul, an impoverished region of wadis, deserts and mountains dominated by ethnic Pashtuns. It settled in the district of Khak-e Afghan in the north of the province.

Out of the Afghan government’s reach and initially welcomed by local villagers, the Daesh fighters began to expand their area of operations. They soon targeted Highway One, the main road linking Kabul and the south of Afghanistan.

After a number of pinprick ambushes in which they kidnapped civilians traveling along the highway, they abducted dozens of Hazaras, an ethnic minority of predominantly Shiite Muslims. Those taken hostage included women and children.

The abductions provoked outrage among Afghans in Kabul, who criticized the government for being unable to protect its own people. The Taliban sensed an opportunity. Eager to win more public support for its insurgency and desperate to prevent Daesh from making further inroads into its territory, the movement came up with a plan to hit back.

First the Taliban sent a delegation of muftis — Islamic legal experts — and clerics to Khak-e Afghan. The delegation and a group of Daesh scholars spent a week trying to persuade each other that only their group should be allowed to operate in the country.

When the Taliban muftis ordered their rivals to surrender, the talks broke down. Rather than wait for tensions to cool, the Taliban then sent hundreds of Red Unit commandos to the area in November 2015. They were drawn from the teams for the provinces of Zabul, Ghazni and Maidan Wardak.

Halim, from Maidan Wardak, was among them. The first name of his nom de guerre — Qazi — is an honorific denoting someone trained in Islamic law. In Arabic and Pashto, it means “judge.” The second part of the nom de guerre — Halim — has been changed to protect his identity because he did not have the Taliban’s permission to talk to Arab News.

Arriving in Khak-e Afghan, he found the Daesh fighters were a mixture of Afghans from across the country and militants from Uzbekistan, who had their families with them. Villagers reported seeing them traveling around the area on motorbikes decorated with Dadullah’s name and the slogan “Long live Daesh.”

The Red Unit tried for a final time to convince the Daesh militants to surrender, sending a squad toward their mountain headquarters with an offer of clemency. It was then that the Daesh fighters opened fire, injuring four of the Talibs and triggering the battle that would change the course of the insurgents’ civil war.

A relative of Dadullah’s who tried to evacuate the Daesh leader after the fighting began confirmed to Arab News that the Taliban’s commandos were in Khak-e Afghan at the time. Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said: “They did the fighting and they cleared the area.” He added that their only aim seemed to be “to kill Mansour Dadullah.”

After the advance squad was hit, the Red Unit commandos regrouped and resumed their attack at night, this time breaking through the Daesh lines. They began heading deeper into the mountains, killing dozens of fighters as they progressed.

Over the next few days they searched local houses and found a number of the kidnapped Hazaras tied up and blindfolded. Others lay dead, “slaughtered just hours before,” said Halim.

When he and his fellow commandos captured nine of the Uzbeks alive, they assembled a makeshift Islamic court to put them on trial. After ordering them to confess in front of the hostages to being members of Daesh, they hanged all nine.

The Red Unit commandos eventually tracked down Dadullah by monitoring the military radio traffic of the surviving Daesh fighters. They arrested the leader, took him to an isolated valley and shot him.

By the end of the operation, four members of the Red Unit were dead, but word of the commandos’ strength had spread across Afghanistan, striking fear into Daesh and causing alarm within the Afghan government.

The Taliban leadership was so impressed by its troops’ showing in Zabul that it turned them into a quick-reaction force under the leadership of its most famous commander, a Pashtun named Pir Agha.

Although much of his background remains a mystery, Agha is believed to be in his 40s and from Sangisar in the Panjwayi district of Kandahar. Afghans who have met him describe him as an uncomplicated, but persuasive, public speaker.

One businessman came face to face with Agha about a year before the Red Unit was formed, in a ramshackle bazaar in Helmand province, near Pakistan.

The businessman, who asked to remain anonymous, told Arab News that Agha gave a speech in the border town of Baramcha to a number of local traders who had assembled in a mosque there. In the speech, he denounced Daesh and asked them to donate money to the Taliban.

Agha has since stepped down from his role as head of the quick-reaction force to become the Taliban’s shadow governor for Paktika province. However, his commandos continue to call their force the “Unit of Pir Agha” in homage to his leadership.

They are currently led by Mawlawi Abdullah, a Talib from Maidan Wardak who was the main field commander in the Zabul battle.

Now the pride of the Red Unit, the quick-reaction force has proved to be an elusive and formidable enemy for both Daesh and the Afghan government. Last fall it was deployed to Achin district in Nangarhar province, eastern Afghanistan. Halim claimed a number of the Daesh fighters he encountered there were in their teens.

Then, on April 2 this year, Afghan helicopter gunships attacked a religious ceremony in the northern province of Kunduz, killing at least 36 people, including 30 children, according to a UN investigation.

The government claimed its intended target was the Red Unit. Before his death this week, Halim was unconcerned about being a wanted man. With the cease-fire over and the Taliban again on the offensive, he walked the streets of Kabul in a prayer cap and shalwar kameez — waiting for a mission that would prove to be his last.


Indian police volunteer gets life sentence for shocking rape, murder of junior doctor

Updated 20 January 2025
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Indian police volunteer gets life sentence for shocking rape, murder of junior doctor

  • The woman’s body was found in a classroom at the state-run R G Kar Medical College and Hospital, where she worked, on Aug. 9
  • Her parents had earlier said that they were not satisfied with the probe and suspected more people were involved in the crime

KOLKATA: An Indian court handed down a life sentence on Monday to a police volunteer convicted of the rape and murder of a junior doctor at a hospital in the eastern city of Kolkata, rejecting demands for the death penalty saying it was not a rare crime.
The woman’s body was found in a classroom at the state-run R G Kar Medical College and Hospital, where she worked, on Aug. 9. Other doctors stayed off work for weeks to demand justice for her and better security at public hospitals, as the crime sparked national outrage over a lack of safety for women.
Sanjay Roy, the police volunteer, was convicted on Saturday by judge Anirban Das, who said circumstantial evidence had proved the charges against Roy. On Monday, Roy, who denied the charges, said he had been framed and sought clemency.
The federal police, who investigated the case, said the crime belonged to the “rarest-of-rare” category and Roy, therefore, deserved the death penalty.
But the judge disagreed, saying that he had come to the conclusion after considering all the evidence and the circumstances linked to it.
“I do not consider it as a ‘rarest-of-rare’ crime,” Judge Das said as he sentenced Roy to life in jail on both the counts of rape and murder. “Life imprisonment, meaning imprisonment until death.”
Senjuti Chakrabarty, a lawyer for Roy, said the defense would appeal to a higher court and seek Roy’s acquittal.
The sentence was announced in a packed courtroom as the judge allowed the public to witness proceedings. The speedy trial in the court had not been open to the public.
The parents of the junior doctor were among those in court. Security was stepped up with dozens of police personnel deployed at the court complex.
JUNIOR DOCTORS PROTEST
The parents had earlier said that they were not satisfied with the probe and suspected more people were involved in the crime.
Their lawyer, Amartya Dey, told Reuters that they had sought the death penalty for Roy and also demanded that those involved in what they called the “larger conspiracy” be brought to book.
“The appeal court is open for us ... let us get a copy of the judgment, we can then discuss it further,” Rajdeep Haldar, another lawyer for the parents, said.
A group of junior doctors and others demonstrated outside the court, demanding a harsher sentence for Roy. “We want justice. We want to know the other conspirators,” they said.
Mamata Banerjee, chief minister of West Bengal of which Kolkata is the capital, said the state government run by the regional Trinamool Congress party was “not happy” with the sentence as it had demanded the death penalty.
“Life imprisonment ... is a travesty of justice,” said Amit Malviya, a senior member of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party that rules at the federal level.
“The verdict must be appealed. Justice must not only be done but must also be seen to be done,” he posted on X. India’s federal police cited 128 witnesses in its investigation, of whom 51 were examined during the fast-tracked trial that began in November.
Police had also charged the officer heading the local police station and the head of the college at the time of the crime with destruction of the crime scene and tampering with evidence.
The police officer is out on bail while the former head of the hospital remains in detention in connection with separate allegations of financial irregularities at the hospital.


What Donald Trump’s return to the White House means for the Middle East

Updated 20 January 2025
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What Donald Trump’s return to the White House means for the Middle East

  • Trump’s inauguration is expected to usher in a new era of US engagement with the region, with major implications for Palestine and Iran
  • New administration has signaled a desire to expand the Abraham Accords, pursue normalization, and resume maximum pressure on Tehran

LONDON: On Monday, the 47th president of the US will be sworn in at a ceremony at the US Capitol in Washington D.C., marking perhaps the greatest political comeback in American history.

For the Middle East, the second inauguration of Donald Trump is expected to usher in a new era of US engagement, overseen by an instinctively disruptive president who is as hard to read as he is transactional.

If any evidence was needed that the incoming administration is eager to wield its influence in the region, it came on January 15, when the outgoing president announced the long-awaited Israel-Hamas ceasefire-for-hostages deal had finally been agreed.

For the now former president, Joe Biden, announcing the breakthrough “after eight months of nonstop negotiation by my administration,” it should have been a triumphant, legacy-defining moment. Instead, he was blindsided by the first question hurled at him by the media.

“Who will the history books credit for this, Mr. President?” a reporter called out. “You or Trump?”

US President-elect Donald Trump arrives for a service at St. John’s Church on Inauguration Day in Washington, US, Jan. 20, 2025. (Reuters)

Biden, clearly shocked, paused before replying: “Is that a joke?”

But it wasn’t a joke. The only thing that had changed about the ceasefire deal that his administration had been pushing for since May last year was that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had finally agreed to it.

And the only thing that had changed for Netanyahu was that the man he sees as his friend and most important ally was about to return to office.

For Netanyahu, this seemed the right moment to present Trump with a gift — vindication of the new president’s boast that he would end the war as soon as he took office.

Trump even dispatched Steve Witkoff, his newly appointed envoy to the Middle East, to join Biden’s man, Brett McGurk, for the last 96 hours of talks in Doha, to ensure that the incoming US administration had its mark on the deal.

The appointment of Witkoff came as a surprise to many, as he does not have a diplomatic background. Witkoff does, however, have a reputation as a formidable dealmaker, which fits with Trump’s fondness for transactional foreign policy.

But quite what deal Witkoff might have offered Netanyahu on Trump’s behalf remains to be seen.

“The ceasefire in Gaza is something Trump has claimed credit for, which is unclear. But we shouldn’t think his arrival is good news,” said Kelly Petillo, MENA program manager for the European Council on Foreign Relations.

“We have no idea what Trump has in mind for day-after plans in Gaza. And we don’t know what Trump and his Middle East envoy have promised to Netanyahu in return for him accepting to move forward with the ceasefire.

“We don’t even know if the ceasefire will hold until the next, second phase. The ceasefire does not involve the release of all the hostages and Trump has declared he will ‘unleash hell’ if not all of them are released.”

Unlike Biden, said Ahron Bregman, a former Israeli soldier and senior teaching fellow in the Department of War Studies at King’s College London, “Trump is not someone Netanyahu can easily ignore.

“Even before Trump assumed office, he pressed Netanyahu to strike a deal with Hamas. As a result, Netanyahu surprisingly showed a willingness to concede assets — such as the Philadelphi route — which he had previously deemed critical to Israeli security.”

US President-elect Donald Trump, US Vice President-elect JD Vance and his wife Usha Vance attend a service at St. John’s Church on Inauguration Day in Washington, US, Jan. 20, 2025. (Reuters) 

When the ceasefire deal was announced, Trump wasted no time taking to Truth Social to tell his 8.5 million followers: “This EPIC ceasefire agreement could have only happened as a result of our Historic Victory in November, as it signaled to the entire World that my Administration would seek Peace and negotiate deals to ensure the safety of all Americans, and our Allies.”

Itamar Rabinovich, a former Israeli ambassador to the US, anticipates a gear change in US relations with the region.

“I expect greater involvement in the Middle East by the Trump administration,” said Rabinovich, professor emeritus of Middle Eastern history at Tel Aviv University.

“In the Arab-Israeli context (there will be a) continuation of the effort to end the war in Gaza and possibly to move on to a more ambitious effort to resolve the larger Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

However, Trump’s natural affinity with Israel, expressed most keenly through the Abraham Accords, to which he is expected to return with renewed energy, does not bode well for the Palestinian cause. Neither do some of the appointments to Trump’s top team.

His appointment of former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee as ambassador to Israel indicates that any “resolution” of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict favored by the incoming US administration will favor Israel, at Palestine’s expense.

Huckabee, an evangelical Christian with deep, biblically inspired connections to Israel, a country he has visited more than 100 times since 1973, is an open opponent of Palestinian sovereignty.

He is an ardent supporter of settlements, stating during a 2017 visit to Israel that “there’s no such thing as a settlement — they’re communities, they’re neighborhoods, they’re cities. There’s no such thing as an occupation.” He has also said “there’s really no such thing as a Palestinian.”

Trump’s new Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, is another staunch ally of Israel who has called for a clampdown on pro-Palestinian protesters in the US and condemned “the poison” of the boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement. He has also said there should be no ceasefire in Gaza until Israel has destroyed “every element” of Hamas.

The nomination of pro-Israel Congresswoman Elise Stefanik as ambassador to the UN bodes ill for attempts to pursue Palestinian sovereignty through the UN General Assembly.

Last May, on one of many trips she has made to Israel, she addressed members of the Knesset, “in your eternal capital, the holy city of Jerusalem,” declaring herself “a lifelong admirer, supporter, and true friend of Israel and the Jewish people.”

In the wake of Trump’s scene-stealing intervention in the Gaza ceasefire deal, all eyes in the region will be on his wider agenda for the Middle East. At the top of that agenda is Iran. How that plays out could have serious repercussions for Tehran’s neighbors.

Around that, said Petillo, “there is huge unpredictability. Trump is highly unpredictable and likes to remain that way. But we also know that much of what he will do depends on who whispers in his ear at the right time before he is making a decision.

“There are different people in his administration that might push him to go either in the most destructive direction — for instance seeking other maximum pressure style policies to support Israel and address their security concerns vis-a-vis Iran — and others who want to end US involvement in the region and are in favor of deals.”

President Joe Biden and first lady Jill Biden welcome President-elect Donald Trump and Melania Trump on the North Portico of the White House in Washington, Jan. 20, 2025. (AP Photo)

But any chance that the Iran nuclear deal will be reinstated surely evaporated with Trump’s re-election. It was, after all, Trump who unilaterally withdrew America from the deal in 2018, instituting new sanctions. He has signalled his intention to return to a policy of “maximum pressure.”

“More widely on Israel-Palestine, Trump will likely pick up where he left off — the Abraham Accords, which he deems a success and which have largely held so far despite rifts caused by the war in Gaza,” said Petillo.

“The big prize of course is a Saudi deal — and I think this will impact whether he will do another round of maximum pressure on Iran as he said he would.”

Saudi Arabia has made clear that any move toward normalization of relations with Israel would be dependent on clear steps towards Palestinian sovereignty.

In September, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman said the Kingdom “will not stop its tireless work towards the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, and we affirm that the Kingdom will not establish diplomatic relations with Israel without that.”

Shortly after, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud announced the formation of a global alliance to push for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Implementing the two-state solution, he said, was “the best solution to break the cycle of conflict and suffering, and enforce a new reality in which the entire region, including Israel, enjoys security and coexistence.”

But according to Petillo: “Trump’s arrival is not good news for the chances of a two-state solution. Trump and his new administration simply don’t care about Palestinian rights, annexation is likely to be used as a threat and settlements are likely to expand, and the whole issue risks becoming a big real-estate project, with huge consequences for Palestinian security, but I think also for that of ordinary Israelis.”

In November, Bader Mousa Al-Saif, an associate fellow on the MENA program at Chatham House and a historian at Georgetown University, wrote that Trump would find the Gulf region much changed since he last engaged with it.

Since then, “the Arab Gulf states have made strides in the intervening years by taking matters into their own hands — reconciling intra-Gulf discord, freezing the Yemen conflict, and making overtures to regional neighbours like Iran, Syria, and Turkiye.”

Moreover, he added, “the Saudis have banked on a clear precondition for normalization — the end of Israeli occupation and establishment of a Palestinian state.”

However, according to Ibrahim Al-Marashi, associate professor in the Department of History at California State University San Marcos, a different kind of deal could break the deadlock.

“Trump’s repudiation of the Iran nuclear deal served as the primary causal factor in intensifying tensions, escalating into direct violence,” he said. “This violence played out primarily on Iraqi soil, albeit with a brief period of clashes in Syria.

“Trump wants a nuclear deal on his terms that he can claim credit for. If he gets that and sanctions are lifted on Iran, then tensions might finally subside.”

US President-elect Donald Trump and his wife Melania Trump after attending a service at St. John’s Church on Inauguration Day in Washington, US Jan. 20, 2025. (Reuters) 

Burcu Ozcelik, a senior research fellow on Middle East security at the Royal United Services Institute, believes “the Trump administration will be unlikely to backtrack on, or jeopardize, the progress that has been made to weaken Iran’s status in the Middle East.

“The region is transforming in ways unimaginable 15 months ago, with new political futures possible in Lebanon and Syria,” he said. “The weakening of both Iran and Russia in the Middle East represents a success story, and Trump will want this dynamic to continue — and to take credit for it.”

And to be recognized for it, as a main plank of his legacy.

“Trump’s desire for a Nobel Prize might push him toward pursuing a peace deal or normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia,” said Bregman.

“Achieving this would require Netanyahu to make some progress toward a Palestinian state, a prerequisite for advancing Israeli-Saudi relations. This won’t be easy. But Netanyahu’s wariness of Trump might compel him to act.”


Donald Trump to be sworn-in as 47th US president at Washington ceremony

Updated 54 min 28 sec ago
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Donald Trump to be sworn-in as 47th US president at Washington ceremony

  • Donald Trump’s swearing-in ceremony moved indoors due to intense cold in Washington D.C.
  • The US flag over the Capitol will be flying at full-staff for Trump’s inauguration

WASHINGTON: Donald Trump, who overcame impeachments, criminal indictments and a pair of assassination attempts to win another term in the White House, will be sworn in Monday as the 47th US president taking charge as Republicans claim unified control of Washington and set out to reshape the country’s institutions.
Trump’s swearing-in ceremony, moved indoors due to intense cold, will begin at noon ET. But festivities started earlier when the incoming president arrived for service at St. John’s Episcopal Church.
The US flag over the Capitol will be flying at full-staff for Donald Trump’s swearing-in.
That’s despite an order from President Joe Biden that flags be lowered for 30 days following the Dec. 29 death of former President Jimmy Carter.
Addressing a packed crowd at Capital One Arena in Washington, D.C. on Sunday, Trump stayed consistent with the framing he often used in his campaign.
He criticized Biden’s term as a “failed administration” and promised to “end the reign of a failed and corrupt political establishment.”
“Tomorrow, at noon, the curtain closes on four long years of American decline and we begin a brand-new day of American strength and prosperity, dignity and pride,” he told supporters.
Trump’s inauguration on Monday is a sign of the changing tides, where mainstream entertainers, from Nelly to The Village People are more publicly, more enthusiastically associating with the new US administration.
Eight years ago, Trump reportedly struggled to enlist stars to be part of the swearing-in and the various glitzy balls that follow. The concurrent protest marches around the nation had more famous entertainers than the swearing-in.
There were always some celebrity Trump supporters, like Kid Rock, Hulk Hogan, Jon Voight, Rosanne Barr, Mike Tyson, Sylvester Stallone and Dennis Rodman, to name a few. But Trump’s victory this time around was decisive and while Hollywood may always skew largely liberal, the slate of names participating in his inauguration weekend events has improved.
Kid Rock, Billy Ray Cyrus, The Village People, Lee Greenwood all performed at a MAGA style rally Sunday. Those performing at inaugural balls include the rapper Nelly, country music band Rascal Flatts, country singer Jason Aldean and singer-songwriter Gavin DeGraw.
Trump may be breaking a tradition on Inauguration Day. No heads of state have previously made an official visit to the US for the inauguration.
It’s not clear whether foreign leaders will attend the swearing-in ceremony or other events related such as inaugural balls.
Argentina’s President Javier Milei and Italy’s Premier Giorgia Meloni have spoken about being invited. The offices of Ecuadorean President Daniel Noboa and Paraguayan President Santiago Peña have also said they were invited and were planning to attend. The Salvadoran ambassador to the US said there had been an invitation to the country’s President Nayib Bukele, but he is not likely to attend.
Last month, Trump transition spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said world leaders, including Chinese President Xi Jinping, had been invited. Jinping is unlikely to attend and it’s not clear whether he would send another official.


UAE partnership gives boost to Philippines’ energy transition

Updated 20 January 2025
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UAE partnership gives boost to Philippines’ energy transition

  • Coal still accounts for over half of Philippines’ power generation
  • Cooperation with Masdar will provide up to 1 GW of clean power by 2030

MANILA: The Philippines is on track to achieve its energy transition goals following a $15 billion renewable energy deal with UAE’s state-owned energy firm Masdar to develop solar, wind and battery energy storage systems.

Manila has been working to reduce its reliance on fossil fuels and aims to increase the share of renewable sources in the energy mix from around 22 percent currently to 35 percent by 2030 and 50 percent by 2040.

The deal with Masdar, which was signed last week in Abu Dhabi, will provide up to 1 gigawatt of clean power by 2030, with plans to scale up to 10 GW by 2035, according to the Philippines’ Department of Energy.

“This collaboration will significantly advance our goal of achieving 35 percent renewable energy in power generation by 2030,” Philippine Energy Secretary Raphael Lotilla said in a statement.

The new partnership followed President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s inaugural visit to the UAE last November, which saw the two countries signing various new agreements, including in investment, artificial intelligence and energy transition.

The deal with Masdar will not only increase energy security in the Philippines but also deliver “significant economic benefits” for the country as it creates new jobs and drives technology transfer, Lotilla said.

“Together, we are positioning the Philippines as a regional leader in sustainable energy.”

The project also marks Masdar’s entry into the Philippines’ renewables market.

The Southeast Asian nation has been exploring clean and sustainable options to generate power as the country regularly suffers outages and faces high tariffs. Coal is the main source of electricity in the Southeast Asian state, accounting for more than half of its power generation.


Indonesia opens carbon credit market to foreign buyers to help finance climate action

Updated 20 January 2025
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Indonesia opens carbon credit market to foreign buyers to help finance climate action

  • Initial carbon credit certificates up for trade are worth 1.78 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent
  • Jakarta has pledged to reach carbon neutrality by 2060, plans to build 75 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity

JAKARTA: Indonesia began offering carbon credit certificates for international buyers on Monday, as one of the world’s top greenhouse gas emitters seeks to raise funds to achieve its climate goals.

The move comes after countries agreed on the rules for a global market to buy and sell carbon credits at the COP29 climate conference last November, which its proponents say will mobilize billions of dollars into projects to help fight climate change.

Indonesia is ready to issue carbon credit certificates from emission reductions from a number of power projects on Java island worth about 1.78 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e), Environment Minister Hanif Faisol Nurofiq said.

“The implementation of international carbon trading is a reflection of Indonesia’s commitment following COP29,” he said at a launching ceremony in Jakarta.

“It can be ensured that the emission reduction certificates issued by Indonesia are of high integrity … It is hoped that this will serve as (a) foundation for global climate action that (turns) ambition into action, aligning economic growth with environmental responsibility.”

Carbon credits are generated by activities that avoid or reduce emissions of carbon dioxide, a potent greenhouse gas. They can be purchased by companies or countries seeking to “offset” or cancel out some of their own emissions to help reach their climate goals.

Indonesia, an archipelago with the world’s third-largest rainforest area, is one of the world’s biggest polluters. It has pledged to reach carbon neutrality by 2060, including by phasing out hundreds of coal-fired power plants and replacing them with renewables.

With goals to build around 75 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity by 2040, the government plans to raise some of the required funds through carbon offset projects.

Monday’s launch was an “important milestone in our collective journey towards a sustainable future,” Nurofiq said.

Indonesia’s carbon credit market has attracted little interest after it was first launched for domestic players in September 2023.

Trading value as of December 2024 was 50.64 billion rupiah ($3.10 million), while trading volume reached 908,018 tons of CO2e, according to Indonesia’s Financial Services Authority.