Middle East’s stateless Bidoon build a new life in Britain

The Bidoon community in Britain, like so many other new arrivals, is based in London, though with a growing satellite community in Manchester. (Shutterstock/File Photo) )
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Updated 01 August 2020
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Middle East’s stateless Bidoon build a new life in Britain

  • Bidoon’s presence in the UK in an incredible story of conflict, survival instincts and entrepreneurial spirits
  • The Home Office estimates there are about 5,000 Bidoon, with a growing community in Manchester

LONDON: From the fifth floor of a grey social housing block in one of London’s most deprived areas, a flash of red flaps from a window.

A squint of the eye brings into focus the word, “Kuwait,” in Arabic. A little desk research shows this to have been the country’s pre-independence emblem.

The flag is only one sign, amid the increased prevalence of a dialect, customs and cuisine in certain areas in London.

What sets these signs apart from the multimillion-dollar Gulf tourism to the UK is that these people, increasingly a fully-fledged community, are not tourists but actually stateless, known as Bidoon.

As Britain slowly turned her back on her possessions “East of Suez,” the Gulf states were granted independence.

The establishment of the state of Kuwait in 1961, however, was by no means a complete affair.

Certain elements of the population, commonly herders of goats and sheep who had pursued a nomadic existence, did not lodge their existence, for one reason or another, with the new state and have remained since then officially stateless.

This experience was not restricted to Kuwait — similar events took place in Saudi Arabia and in Iraq.

The reality was that the Bidoon - short for bidoon jinsiya, meaning “without nationality” in Arabic - unknowingly found themselves on either side of lines in the sand drawn in London.

The Alien Residence Act of 1986 saw the status of the community change from legal residents to illegal.

However, the real watershed moment was in August 1990 as Iraqi tanks rolled into Kuwait; the effect on the country’s "stateless" was to be profound.

The Kuwaiti armed forces, facing the perennial problem of manpower that exists in all the Gulf states, conscripted heavily from amongst the Bidoon.

Many of them were taken to Iraq as prisoners. Their civilian counterparts and families spread through the region as Kuwait seemed destined to be annexed by Saddam Hussein.

The open borders following the invasion, recorded for posterity by satellite television, showed scenes of thousands of Kuwaiti citizens, among them many Bidoon, escaping the fires of invasion.

By the time Operation Desert Storm had returned the region’s borders to their post-colonial status quo, many Bidoon had once again found themselves on the wrong side of the border with no means to prove their origin.

To any linguist coming into contact with the UK’s Bidoon, the mix of accents and dialects used by them can be puzzling.

The reasons are fascinating in themselves and illustrative of the living history and shared recent experiences of this community after the Gulf War.

Life in their host Arab countries was increasingly challenging for many. It is estimated that as much as half of the Bidoon of Kuwait were made refugees by the Iraqi invasion.

Operating in their new environments, they faced the dual challenge of being refugees as well as unidentified aliens.

Many sought employment or established small businesses, but the vast majority looked toward Europe.

Throughout the 1990s a trickle of Bidoon took the hazardous land route from the Middle East to Europe in search of a new life.

These numbers were augmented by further waves of refugees made by the US-led invasion of 2003 that overthrew Saddam.

The accounts of the new arrivals in the UK in the 1990s are fascinating. “Lived in Greece for three years, but it was like an Arab country if not worse,” recalled one Bidoon.

“Then I went by boat to Rome and then I lived in ‘Stalingrad Ghetto’ in Paris, where I learnt to speak French. But the pay was not good in France and the language is difficult so I was smuggled into the UK.”

Other members of the community narrated their own adventures in the hope of reaching the UK.

One Iraqi described having claimed Rwandan origins during the 1990s, when an ill-informed UK Home Office was only too ready to grant citizenship to victims of the genocide.

The human cost of undertaking the perilous route from the Middle East to Europe was steep.

Many Bidoon become prey to Romanian and Albanian gangs, who continue to extort money from the families seeking safe passage.

Isolated by their vulnerability, they have no means of resisting.

How a community from almost 4,000 miles away has increasingly been able to seek sanctuary in the UK is an incredible story of conflict, bureaucratic red tape and survival instinct.

The UK Home Office estimates that there are roughly 5,000 Bidoon in the country. The community’s representatives estimate the number to be as high as 8,000.

If correct, it would amount to almost five percent of the entire officially recognized Bidoon population.

It is a strange twist of fate that many Bidoon have found a home in the country whose policies had inadvertently contributed to making them homeless over half a century ago.

The Bidoon community in Britain, like so many other new arrivals, is based in London, though with a growing satellite community in Manchester.

One community leader from the Aniza tribe explained: “When we first arrived, we did not think that we would be staying long.

“Many of our community sought work in the Gulf countries and others sought opportunities in Iraq after the fall of Saddam. We worked as informal Arabic teachers, as handymen and as minicab drivers.

“As our time in the UK has grown to be more permanent, members of our community have laid down roots. “We have Bidoon nurses, teachers and even Bidoon members of the British armed forces”.

London — indeed all of Britain — has a knack for unleashing the innate entrepreneurial spirits of new arrivals, and the Bidoon have made especially good use of this.

In recent weeks as the coronavirus panic swept through consumers and supermarkets, grocery shops managed by Bidoon entrepreneurs stayed open.

They have kept local communities well supplied with essential items and consumer goods. It is understood that many, as much as 3,000 of the community have indefinite leave to remain (ILR) and others British citizenship.

So much so is their statelessness regarded as a social burden that many are selective in explaining their origins, merely stating that they are from Iraq or Jordan.

In the process of the research of this piece, it came to light that the group’s Kuwaiti origins can be a huge hindrance to those seeking asylum, given the commonly held connotations of the relative wealth of the state.

“Sometimes we cannot say that we are Kuwaiti,” said one. “Especially in the UK it is hard to explain how somebody from a wealthy country like Kuwait would need asylum.”

The Bidoon have been remarkably successful in coordinating their UK asylum applications through their regular diwana, or coffee houses.

These are organized along old tribal structures through which they identified historically.

“The Shammar, Al-Aniza, Bani Tamim and the Fthoul all have their own meetings, usually on the weekend which allow us to remain linked as a community and coordinated,” said one Bidoon.

The old pre-independence flag of Kuwait is a source of pride to the community, and the memory of a state which they strongly feel they were a part of.

Like the Jewish emigres that came before them, fleeing Russian pogroms in the late 19th century and then Nazism in the 1930s, there is no doubt that eventually the Bidoon will become an inseparable part of British society.


Israel vows to prevent an aid boat carrying Greta Thunberg and other activists from reaching Gaza

Updated 08 June 2025
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Israel vows to prevent an aid boat carrying Greta Thunberg and other activists from reaching Gaza

  • The vessel departed Sicily last Sunday on a mission that aims to break the sea blockade of Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid, while raising awareness over the growing humanitarian crisis in the Palestinian enclave

Israel’s defense minister has vowed to prevent an aid boat carrying Greta Thunberg and other activists from reaching the Gaza Strip.
Defense Minister Israel Katz said Sunday that Israel wouldn’t allow anyone to break its naval blockade of the Palestinian territory, which he said was aimed at preventing Hamas from importing arms.
Thunberg, a climate campaigner is among 12 activists aboard the Madleen, which is operated by the Freedom Flotilla Coalition. The vessel departed Sicily last Sunday on a mission that aims to break the sea blockade of Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid, while raising awareness over the growing humanitarian crisis in the Palestinian enclave.
The activists had said they planned to reach Gaza’s territorial waters as early as Sunday.
Rima Hassan, a French member of the European Parliament who is of Palestinian descent, is among the others onboard. She has been barred from entering Israel because of her opposition to Israeli policies toward the Palestinians.
After a three-month total blockade aimed at pressuring Hamas, Israel started allowing some basic aid into Gaza last month, but humanitarian workers have warned of famine unless the blockade and the war end.
An attempt last month by Freedom Flotilla to reach Gaza by sea failed after another of the group’s vessels was attacked by two drones while sailing in international waters off Malta. The group blamed Israel for the attack, which damaged the front section of the ship.


Gaza rescuers say 10 killed in Israeli attacks

Updated 08 June 2025
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Gaza rescuers say 10 killed in Israeli attacks

  • The civilians had been heading to an aid distribution center west of Rafah, near a site run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation
  • The United Nations refuses to work with the GHF, citing concerns over its practices and neutrality

GAZA CITY, Palestinian Territories: Gaza’s civil defense agency said Israeli attacks on Sunday killed at least 10 people including two girls in the Palestinian territory, as the Israel-Hamas war entered its 21st month.

“Five martyrs and dozens of wounded were taken to Nasser Hospital in Khan Yunis after the (Israeli) occupation forces opened fire on civilians at around 6:00 am,” agency spokesman Mahmud Bassal said.

The civilians had been heading to an aid distribution center west of Rafah, near a site run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a US-backed group that has come under criticism from the United Nations and humanitarian agencies.

The United Nations refuses to work with the GHF, citing concerns over its practices and neutrality.

Asked to comment on the latest killings, the Israeli military said it fired on people who “continued advancing in a way that endangered the soldiers” despite warnings.

It said the area around the distribution point had been declared an “active combat zone” at night.

“Around 4:30 am, people started gathering in the Al-Alam area of Rafah. After about an hour and a half, hundreds moved toward the site and the army opened fire,” eyewitness Abdallah Nour Al-Din said.

Outside the Nasser hospital, where the emergency workers brought the casualties, AFPTV footage showed mourners crying over blood-stained body-bags.

“I can’t see you like this,” said Lin Al-Daghma by her father’s body, while a man lay over his brother’s corpse.

They gave the same account as Din, and spoke of the struggle to access food aid after more than two months of a total Israeli blockade of Gaza, despite a recent easing.

Dozens of people have been killed near distribution points since late May, according to the civil defense.

Bassal said another five people, including two young girls, were killed around at 1:00 a.m. in a strike that hit a tent in the Al-Mawasi displaced persons camp in southern Gaza.


Israeli military hits Hamas member in southern Syria

Updated 08 June 2025
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Israeli military hits Hamas member in southern Syria

  • Israel and Syria have recently engaged in direct talks to calm tensions

CAIRO: The Israeli military said on Sunday that it struck a member of the Palestinian militant group Hamas in southern Syria’s Mazraat Beit Jin, days after Israel carried out its first airstrikes in the country in nearly a month.

Hamas did not immediately comment on the strike.

Israel said on Tuesday it hit weapons belonging to the government in retaliation for the firing of two projectiles toward Israel for the first time under the country’s new leadership. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz held Syria’s President Ahmed Al-Sharaa accountable.

Damascus in response said reports of the shelling were unverified, reiterating that Syria does not pose a threat to any regional party.

A little known group named “Martyr Muhammad Deif Brigades,” an apparent reference to Hamas’ military leader who was killed in an Israeli strike in 2024, reportedly claimed responsibility for the shelling. Reuters, however, could not independently verify the claim.

Israel and Syria have recently engaged in direct talks to calm tensions, marking a significant development in ties between states that have been on opposite sides of conflict in the Middle East for decade.


Why were so many Thai farmers among the hostages held by Hamas?

Updated 08 June 2025
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Why were so many Thai farmers among the hostages held by Hamas?

  • Before the Oct. 7, 2023, attack by Hamas, Israel had 30,000 Thai laborers, primarily working on farms
  • 31 Thais were taken hostages. Thailand’s foreign ministry has said 46 Thais have been killed during the war

BANGKOK: Israel says it has retrieved the body of a 35-year-old Thai hostage who was abducted into Gaza during the Oct. 7, 2023, attack that sparked the war.

Nattapong Pinta was among 31 Thais taken by the Hamas militant group. Thailand’s foreign ministry in a statement Saturday confirmed that Pinta, the last Thai hostage in Gaza, was confirmed dead. It said the bodies of two others have yet to be retrieved.

The ministry has said 46 Thais have been killed during the war. Thais were the largest group of foreigners held captive by Hamas. They were among tens of thousands of Thai workers in Israel. Here’s a look at what they were doing.

Why are there so many Thais in Israel?

Israel once relied heavily on Palestinian workers, but it started bringing in large numbers of migrant workers after the 1987-93 Palestinian revolt, known as the first Intifada.

Most came from Thailand, and Thais remain the largest group of foreign agricultural laborers in Israel today, earning considerably more than they can at home.

Thailand and Israel implemented a bilateral agreement a decade ago to ease the way for workers in the agriculture sector.

Israel has come under criticism for the conditions under which the Thai farm laborers work. A Human Rights Watch report in 2015 said they often were housed in makeshift and inadequate accommodation and “were paid salaries significantly below the legal minimum wage, forced to work long hours in excess of the legal maximum, subjected to unsafe working conditions and denied their right to change employers.”

A watchdog group found more recently that most were still paid below the legal minimum wage.

How many Thai nationals work in Israel?

There were about 30,000 Thai workers, primarily working on farms, in Israel prior to the attack by Hamas.

In the wake of the attack, some 7,000 returned home, primarily on government evacuation flights, but higher wages than those available at home have continued to attract new arrivals.

The Thai ambassador to Israel, Pannabha Chandraramya, recently said there are now more than 38,000 Thai workers in the country.

What happened after some left?

Faced with a labor shortage in the wake of the exodus, Israel’s Agriculture Ministry announced incentives to try to attract foreign workers back to evacuated areas.

Among other things, it offered to extend work visas and to pay bonuses of about $500 a month.

Thailand’s Labor Ministry granted 3,966 Thai workers permission to work in Israel in 2024, keeping Israel in the top four destinations for Thais working abroad last year.

Thai migrant workers generally come from poorer regions of the country, especially the northeast, and even before the bonuses, the jobs in Israel paid many times what they could make at home.


Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here’s what we know

Updated 08 June 2025
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Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here’s what we know

JERUSALEM: Israel is supporting armed groups of Palestinians in Gaza in what it says is a move to counter Hamas. But officials from the UN and aid organizations say the military is allowing them to loot food and other supplies from their trucks.
One self-styled militia, which calls itself the Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab, says it is guarding newly created, Israeli-backed food distribution centers in southern Gaza. Aid workers say it has a long history of looting UN trucks.
Gaza’s armed groups have ties to powerful clans or extended families and often operate as criminal gangs. Aid workers allege Israel’s backing of the groups is part of a wider effort to control all aid operations in the strip.
Israel denies allowing looters to operate in areas it controls.
Here’s what we know about anti-Hamas armed groups in Gaza:
Who are these groups?
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a social media video Thursday that Israel had “activated” clans in Gaza to oppose Hamas.
He didn’t elaborate how Israel is supporting them or what role Israel wants them to play. Netanyahu’s comments were in response to a political opponent accusing him of arming “crime families” in Gaza.
Clans, tribes and extended families have strong influence in Gaza, where their leaders often help mediate disputes. Some have long been armed to protect their group’s interests, and some have morphed into gangs involved in smuggling drugs or running protection rackets.
After seizing power in 2007, Hamas clamped down on Gaza’s gangs — sometimes with brute force and sometimes by steering perks their way.
But with Hamas’ weakening power after 20 months of war with Israel, gangs have regained freedom to act. The leadership of a number of clans — including the clan from which the Abu Shabab group’s members hail — have issued statements denouncing looting and cooperation with Israel.
 

Israeli security forces detain a man during an attempt by right-wing protesters to block aid trucks from entering Gaza at the Kerem Shalom crossing on May 21, 2025. (AFP/File)

A self-proclaimed ‘nationalist force’
Besides the Abu Shabab group, it is not known how many armed groups Israel is supporting.
The Abu Shabab group went public in early May, declaring itself a “nationalist force.” It said it was protecting aid, including around the food distribution hubs run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a mainly American private contractor that Israel intends to replace the UN-led aid network. Aid workers and Palestinians who know the group estimate it has several hundred fighters.
The Abu Shabab group’s media office told The Associated Press it was collaborating with GHF “to ensure that the food and medicine reaches its beneficiaries.” It said it was not involved in distribution, but that its fighters secured the surroundings of distribution centers run by GHF inside military-controlled zones in the Rafah area.
A spokesperson with GHF said it had “no collaboration” with Abu Shabab.
“We do have local Palestinian workers we are very proud of, but none is armed, and they do not belong to Abu Shabab’s organization,” the spokesperson said, speaking on condition of anonymity in accordance with the group’s rules.
Before the war, Yasser Abu Shabab was involved in smuggling cigarettes and drugs from Egypt and Israel into Gaza through crossings and tunnels, according to two members of his extended family, one of whom was once part of his group. Hamas arrested Abu Shabab but freed him from prison along with most other inmates when the war began in October 2023, they said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.
Abu Shabab’s media office said he was summoned by police before the war but wasn’t officially accused or tried. It also said claims the group was involved in attacking aid trucks were “exaggerated,” saying its fighters “took the minimum amount of food and water necessary.”
Aid workers say it is notorious for looting
The head of the association in Gaza that provides trucks and drivers for aid groups said their members’ vehicles have been attacked many times by Abu Shabab’s fighters.
Nahed Sheheiber said the group has been active in Israeli-controlled eastern parts of Rafah and Khan Younis, targeting trucks as they enter Gaza from the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israel. Troops nearby “did nothing” to stop attacks, he said.
Sheheiber said that when Hamas policemen have tried to confront gangs or guard truck convoys, they were attacked by Israeli troops.
One driver, Issam Abu Awda, told the AP he was attacked by Abu Shabab fighters last July. The fighters stopped his truck, blindfolded and handcuffed him and his assistant, then loaded the supplies off the vehicle, he said. Abu Awda said nearby Israeli troops didn’t intervene.
These kinds of attacks are still happening and highlight “a disturbing pattern,” according to Jonathan Whittall, from the UN humanitarian coordinator, OCHA.
“Those who have blocked and violently ransacked aid trucks seem to have been protected” by Israeli forces, said Whittall, head of OCHA’s office for the occupied Palestinian territories. And, he added, they have now become the “protectors of the goods being distributed through Israel’s new militarized hubs,” referring to the GHF-run sites.
The Israeli military did not reply when asked for comment on allegations it has allowed armed groups to loot trucks. But the Israeli prime minister’s office called the accusations “fake news,” saying, “Israel didn’t allow looters to operate in Israeli controlled areas.”
Israel often accuses Hamas of stealing from trucks.
What does all this have to do with aid?
Muhammad Shehada, a political analyst from Gaza who is a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he doesn’t believe Israel’s support for armed groups is aimed at directly fighting Hamas. So far there has been no attempt to deploy the groups against the militants.
Instead, he said, Israel is using the gangs and the looting to present GHF “as the only alternative to provide food to Palestinians,” since its supplies get in while the UN’s don’t.
Israel wants the GHF to replace the UN-led aid system because it claims Hamas has been siphoning off large amounts of supplies. The UN denies that significant amounts have been taken by Hamas. Israel has also said it aims to move all Palestinians in Gaza to a “sterile zone” in the south, around the food hubs, while it fights Hamas elsewhere.
The UN and aid groups have rejected that as using food as a tool for forced displacement. The Abu Shabab group has issued videos online urging Palestinians to move to tent camps in Rafah.
Israel barred all food and other supplies from entering Gaza for 2 ½ months , pending the start of GHF – a blockade that has brought the population to the brink of famine. GHF started distributing food boxes on May 26 at three hubs guarded by private contractors inside Israeli military zones.
Israel has let in some trucks of aid for the UN to distribute. But the UN says it has been able to get little of it into the hands of Palestinians because of Israeli military restrictions, including requiring its trucks to use roads where looters are known to operate.
“It’s Israel’s way of telling the UN, if you want to try to bring aid into Gaza, good luck with this,” said Shehada. “We will force you to go through a road where everything you brought will be looted.”