Crackdown on Turkey’s pro-Kurdish party raises concerns among opposition

Supporters of Turkey’s pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) at a rally. (AFP file photo)
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Updated 10 October 2020
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Crackdown on Turkey’s pro-Kurdish party raises concerns among opposition

  • Four members of the HDP were arrested on Oct. 8 in relation to protests in 2014

ANKARA: The latest crackdown on Turkey’s pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) has raised concerns about the government’s underlying motives and the risk posed to opposition parties.

Four members of the HDP — including Sevin Alaca, the co-mayor of the eastern province of Kars — were arrested on Oct. 8 in relation to protests in 2014, bringing the number of recent arrests over the incident to 16.

Those arrested are accused of encouraging anti-government protests in southeastern provinces in October 2014 in reaction to the Daesh siege of Syria’s mainly Kurdish border town of Kobane. Demonstrators allegedly claimed that the Turkish government failed to protect Kobane against Daesh.

Some view the recent arrests as an attempt by Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to weaken the HDP, which gained 13 percent of the votes in the last general elections.

Talking to Halk TV on Oct. 7, HDP’s co-chairman Mithat Sancar claimed that the political cost to the government of shutting down the HDP would be too great, but that it is trying to ensure the party cannot function properly.

“The Constitutional Court has been under more and more pressure in recent days and it is being threatened,” he said. “Thus, we would not be surprised by the closure of the HDP. But the government does not want to take this path for now because this would have a political cost and would trigger reactions from both global and domestic spheres. That is why the government can adopt a less costly method by making the party a de facto ineffective one.”

Berk Esen, a political analyst from Sabanci University in Istanbul, told Arab News there are several reasons why the government would not simply close down the HDP, the main one being that it does not want to create a precedent for party bans, which have hurt the Islamist movement in the past. In 2008, the AKP was on trial and threatened with closure, and its leaders have always promised to oppose banning political parties.

Banning a party would likely incur a severe backlash against the Turkish government from the European Union, Esen added. A committee from Sweden’s Left Party, including its chairman, paid a visit to the HDP headquarters in Ankara on Oct. 6 and expressed concerns about the silencing of the HDP, which they considered “a big loss” for the country.

“Keeping the HDP open but severely weakened allows the government to retain the image of a democratic regime in Turkey, even though the political system no longer satisfies even the minimal democratic requirements,” Esen said.

Esen added that the HDP also serves as a rallying point for the alliance of the ruling party and its partner, the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and helps to keep ultra-nationalist voters behind President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s administration.

“Moreover, the government does not need to close down the party to limit its operations. It has already appointed caretaker administrators to most HDP-controlled municipalities and arrested hundreds of party officials, including its former leader,” he said.

In the 2019 local elections, the HDP — Turkey’s third-largest party — won 65 municipalities throughout the country, but only six of its 65 mayors remain in office, with the rest removed under terror-related charges and their positions taken up by government-appointed bureaucrats.

“The HDP has taken a huge hit from the government’s crackdown and faces enormous organizational challenges in the months ahead. At this point, its resistance remains primarily at the ballot box, where its loyal voters continue to support it,” Esen said.

For Sinem Adar, an associate at the Center for Applied Turkey Studies (CATS) in the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, the latest crackdown on the HDP matches a general trend that has been apparent since Turkey’s June 2015 elections: A systematic attack on Kurdish political representation by Erdogan’s party and the MHP.

“This trend has included a variety of methods, such as the removal of parliamentary immunity from Kurdish MPs, their criminalization and systematic exclusion from political processes, and — last but not least — the replacement of elected mayors by government-appointed trustees,” she told Arab News.

“Nationalist factions within the security apparatus became a part of this trend after the failed coup attempt in 2016. In light of the developments in Northern Syria, with Turkish military interventions, the ruling class is determined to suppress Kurdish political representation and participation,” she continued.

There are widespread concerns among other opposition parties, too, that what happened to the HDP might also happen to them.

“We need to stand up against all injustices, regardless of which party, who is experiencing them,” Hasan Subasi, a lawmaker from IYI (Good) Party said on Oct. 6 during a televised speech, adding that a Turkish parliament without the HDP would not represent Turkey and would be “anti-democratic.”

According to Adar, violating the political rights of the members of the HDP is a tactic that the government has been using to drive a wedge between the HDP and the opposition parties, particularly the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). “After all, the March 2019 elections have clearly shown that the Kurds have become king-makers,” she said.

Adar said the crackdown could also be part of the government’s divide-and-conquer tactics when it comes to the CHP itself.

“The CHP is known to include various factions that might not necessarily agree with one another on how the Kurdish question should be addressed. The systematic suppression of the HDP can also be a means to (stoke) existing differences within the CHP,” she said.


Nearly 200,000 Palestinians perform prayers at Al-Aqsa Mosque

Updated 19 sec ago
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Nearly 200,000 Palestinians perform prayers at Al-Aqsa Mosque

  • Thousands choose to stay at site overnight
  • Worshippers attend despite Israel’s restrictive measures

LONDON: Nearly 200,000 Palestinians performed evening and Taraweeh prayers on Wednesday, the 26th day of Ramadan, at Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.

It is one of the highest numbers of worshippers recorded at Al-Aqsa during Ramadan by the Jerusalem Waqf and Al-Aqsa Mosque Affairs Department, which is responsible for managing the site.

The organization reported that 180,000 people attended the evening and Taraweeh prayers, despite Israel’s restrictive measures in Jerusalem, with thousands of worshippers choosing to stay at Al-Aqsa Mosque overnight to commemorate Laylat Al-Qadr, also known as the Night of Power.

Muslims consider Laylat Al-Qadr to be the holiest night in the Islamic calendar as it marks the occasion when the first verses of the Qur’an were revealed to the Prophet Muhammad. Laylat Al-Qadr occurs during the last 10 days of Ramadan, a period when many Muslims fully dedicate themselves to worship.

Upon the conclusion of Ramadan on Saturday or Sunday, majority-Muslim countries celebrate the holiday of Eid Al-Fitr over three days, marking the festivities of breaking the fast with family visits and trips.


Is US pressure on Iraq over reliance on Iranian electricity a blessing in disguise?

Updated 1 min 43 sec ago
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Is US pressure on Iraq over reliance on Iranian electricity a blessing in disguise?

  • The US has ended a key sanctions waiver, increasing pressure on Iraq to reduce its reliance on Iranian gas and electricity
  • Baghdad is trying to integrate with the GCC power grid to enhance energy security, much to the chagrin of Iran-backed factions

DUBAI/LONDON: Iraq has long had to balance its relationships between competing regional powers, particularly Iran and the Gulf states. Now, with renewed US harrying of Iraq to stop buying gas and electricity from Iran, Baghdad could be drawn further into the Arab orbit.

On March 8, the US State Department said it was not renewing a sanctions waiver that had allowed Iraq to import Iranian electricity. The waiver, initially introduced in 2018 after the US withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal, has been a lifeline for Iraq’s struggling power grid.

Despite its vast oil and gas wealth, years of conflict, corruption, and underinvestment have left Iraq highly dependent on Iranian gas and direct electricity imports to meet its energy needs. Power outages are commonplace, especially in the scorching summer months.

Iraqi laborers work at an oil refinery in the southern town Nassiriya. (AFP/File)

The US decision came as part of President Donald Trump’s “maximum pressure” campaign on Iran, which is “designed to end Iran’s nuclear threat, curtail its ballistic missile program and stop it from supporting terrorist groups,” according to a statement from the US Embassy in Baghdad.

“We urge the Iraqi government to eliminate its dependence on Iranian sources of energy as soon as possible, and welcome the Iraqi prime minister’s commitment to achieve energy independence,” the statement added.

In a call with Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ Al-Sudani on March 9, US National Security Adviser Mike Waltz encouraged Baghdad to welcome more Western and US energy companies into Iraq’s oil and gas sectors.

According to a readout from that call, Waltz also urged the Iraqi government to work with the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government of northern Iraq to address remaining contract disputes over energy and to pay arrears owed to US energy companies.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi took to social media on March 10 to criticize the US move, saying it targeted the people of Iraq by attempting to deprive them of access to basic services such as electricity, particularly ahead of the approaching summer months.

With the waiver rescinded, it remains unclear whether Iraq will be permitted to continue importing gas from Iran to feed its power plants. Indeed, some 43 percent of the country’s electricity is generated from Iranian gas.

On March 12, Farhad Alaaeldin, the Iraqi prime minister’s foreign affairs adviser, told a local TV channel that the waiver guaranteed by the US on the import of gas was still in effect — and that only the exemption on imported power has been canceled.

Alaaeldin said the US was, for now at least, merely encouraging Iraq to secure gas from other sources. “The American administration says … diversify your import sources. Go to other countries,” he said.

The US Embassy statement asserted that electricity imports from Iran represent only 4 percent of electricity consumption in Iraq.

But a spokesperson for Iraq’s Ministry of Electricity, Ahmad Moussa, told the Associated Press that should gas imports also be forbidden, it “would cause Iraq to lose more than 30 percent of its electricity energy.”

Although this renewed pressure on Baghdad has officials scrambling to find alternatives, it arguably presents an opportunity for Iraq to pivot toward the Gulf states, integrate into the Arab fold, and thereby reduce its reliance on Tehran.

The question now is whether the Iraqi government will seize the moment to achieve energy independence or remain tethered to Iran’s energy infrastructure.

Achieving true energy independence will not be easy.

In 2022, Iran exported 3.5 terawatt hours of electricity to Iraq through four transmission lines. Iraq also imports up to 50 million cubic meters of gas per day from Iran. The neighbors signed a five-year extension to their gas export agreement in March 2024.

Talks on Iranian gas exports to Iraq began in the second half of 2010, shortly after the US military withdrawal following the 2003 invasion, leading to the signing of a supply agreement for Baghdad in July 2013. A contract for gas exports to Basra was signed in November 2015.

Iraq spends about $4 billion annually on Iranian energy, but US sanctions have delayed the country’s ability to make timely payments, leading to substantial debt accumulation, estimated at $11 billion.

To settle this debt, Iraq proposed an oil-for-gas deal in 2023, allowing it to repay Iran with crude. However it chooses to make these repayments, this significant debt burden poses a further challenge to severing links.

According to Iraq’s Parliamentary Oil, Gas and Natural Resources Committee, securing alternative sources of energy has proven difficult, with past diversification efforts delayed by bureaucracy and political resistance from Iran-backed factions in Baghdad.

Despite the challenges, Iraq has begun taking concrete steps toward integrating with the Gulf Cooperation Council’s energy network. An Oct. 9, 2024, agreement to connect Iraq to the GCC Interconnection Authority marked a significant milestone.

The GCCIA was originally established to link the power grids of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. Iraq’s inclusion in this grid would not only reduce its reliance on Iranian gas but also enhance regional energy cooperation.

Under the agreement, Iraq will receive 500 megawatts of electricity through transmission lines from Kuwait’s Al-Wafra station to Al-Faw in Basra. A separate deal with Saudi Arabia is expected to add another 1,000 megawatts to Iraq’s power supply.

Given its own significant domestic energy challenges, including infrastructure problems and environmental factors such as droughts that have reduced its hydroelectric output, there is even a case to be made for Iran benefitting from integration into the broader GCCIA grid.

Elsewhere, Iraq has partnered with Saudi Arabia’s ACWA Power, the UAE’s Masdar, and France’s TotalEnergies to develop solar power plants, although these projects are still years away from completion.

Beyond the Gulf grid, Iraq is pursuing additional measures to reduce its dependence on Iranian energy, including an agreement with Turkmenistan in October 2023 to import 20 million cubic meters of gas per day.

Meanwhile, a 115-km transmission line with Turkiye now supplies 300 megawatts of electricity to northern Iraq. Iraq is also building a liquefied natural gas terminal in Al-Faw with a storage capacity of 300,000 cubic meters.

Despite these efforts, Iraq’s transition away from Iranian energy still faces major hurdles.

“The current production of domestic gas cannot replace Iranian imports at this stage, as achieving self-sufficiency requires several years of development and investment,” Iraqi economic analyst Nabil Al-Marsoumi said in a recent social media post.

Even as Iraq moves toward energy diversification, Iran is unlikely to relinquish its grip without resistance.

Tehran exerts significant political influence in Baghdad through Iran-backed militias and Shiite political factions. These groups view stronger GCC ties as a threat to their dominance and have historically opposed efforts to reduce Iraqi dependence on Iranian energy.

Prime Minister Al-Sudani initially sought a waiver extension until 2028, arguing that Iraq needed more time to secure alternative energy sources. However, under US pressure, he ultimately relented and announced Iraq’s compliance with sanctions.

His decision sparked criticism from pro-Iranian factions within Iraq, further illustrating the political tightrope he must walk.

Ordinary Iraqis, meanwhile, remain skeptical. Many citizens believe their leaders are beholden to Iran’s interests rather than prioritizing national energy security.

“As long as those in power remain loyal to Iran, they will do whatever it takes to keep us reliant on it,” Modhar, a Baghdad-based driver, told Arab News.

For Gulf states, deepening energy ties with Iraq presents both opportunities and risks. A more integrated Iraq could serve as a bridge between the Arab world and Iran, facilitating broader regional cooperation.

Additionally, stronger economic ties with Baghdad could help Gulf economies diversify their own economies beyond oil exports.

However, Gulf countries must also navigate Iraq’s internal political landscape carefully. Any overt effort to pull Iraq away from Iran risks provoking retaliation from Iran-backed militias, which have launched attacks on US and Gulf interests in the past.

That said, energy interdependence has the potential to be a stabilizing factor. As regional energy demand grows, a Gulf-wide electricity grid that includes Iraq could provide a reliable supply and reduce dependence on volatile suppliers like Iran.

With the GCC currently producing 272 gigawatts of electricity, a fully integrated power grid could transform Iraq’s economy and cement its position within the Arab fold. How Iraq responds in the coming months will define its future for years to come.

The suspension of the US sanctions waiver has forced Baghdad to confront its reliance on Iranian energy. While the road to energy independence is fraught with challenges, Iraq’s deepening ties with the GCC present a viable alternative.

Whether Iraq can successfully integrate into the GCC’s energy network while balancing its relationship with Iran remains to be seen. However, if Baghdad seizes this historic opportunity, it could finally achieve the energy security and regional influence it has long sought.

As Al-Marsoumi warned: “Key energy projects remain years away from completion.” But the long-term potential of Iraq’s pivot to the GCC is undeniable.

The coming months will determine whether Iraq charts a new course toward the Arab world — or remains in Iran’s shadow.


 


Increase of US military assets in Middle East points to potential strikes on Houthis

Updated 26 March 2025
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Increase of US military assets in Middle East points to potential strikes on Houthis

  • US has deployed highly sophisticated aircraft and a second aircraft carrier to the region
  • Indications US is planning strikes on the Houthis in Yemen and possibly looking to send a strong message to Iran

LONDON: The significant increase of US military assets positioned in the Middle East points to the potential of heavy strikes on Iran-backed Houthi positions in Yemen.

The US has recently deployed highly sophisticated aircraft and a second aircraft carrier to the region.

At least five B-2 stealth bombers have been deployed to Diego Garcia, a British military base used by the US in the Indian Ocean. More are reportedly en route.

Seven C-17 aircraft have also been tracked landing on the remote atoll, suggesting transportation of equipment, personnel and supplies, and refueling aircraft have been repositioned to strategic locations.

The Pentagon recently ordered the USS Harry S. Truman carrier strike group to extend its deployment in the Red Sea by a month, and a second strike group, led by the USS Carl Vinson aircraft carrier, is heading for the Middle East.

It is an unusual surge in military assets and an indication, perhaps, that the US is planning heavy strikes on the Houthis in Yemen and possibly looking to send a strong message to Iran.

The Houthis have repeatedly attacked Red Sea shipping and Israel during the conflict in Gaza.

Those attacks stopped while the ceasefire was in force but have restarted following a resumption of Israeli military operations in Gaza.

The Houthis have vowed to strike Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport and have fired ballistic missiles toward Israel on an almost daily basis in recent weeks, triggering air raid sirens in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem.

The militia claimed to have launched drones at Israel on Tuesday night, but the Israeli military has not confirmed this.

The Trump administration has launched attacks against the Houthis to restore the freedom of shipping in the Red Sea, a crucial waterway for global commerce as it is linked to the Mediterranean Sea via the Suez Canal.

The first wave of those attacks was the subject of a major security breach when a journalist was mistakenly included in discussions between senior US government personnel on the messaging app Signal.

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has promised to continue striking the Houthis for as long as it takes, and President Trump has warned Iran he might be forced to take military action against its nuclear facilities if Tehran does not agree to talks.


UN says 142,000 people displaced in Gaza in one week

Updated 26 March 2025
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UN says 142,000 people displaced in Gaza in one week

  • The space available for families is “shrinking,” said spokesperson
  • Displacement orders currently cover some 17 percent of Gaza

UNITED NATIONS: The resumption of Israeli military operations in the Gaza Strip has displaced 142,000 people in a mere seven days, the United Nations said Wednesday, warning of dwindling stocks of humanitarian aid.
“In just one week, 142,000 people have been displaced,” the spokesman for Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said, pointing out that about 90 percent of Gaza’s population has been displaced at least once between the start of the war on October 7, 2023 and January of this year.
The space available for families is “shrinking,” he said, adding that displacement orders currently cover some 17 percent of Gaza.
With each wave of displacement, thousands of people “lose not just their shelter, but also access to essentials such as food, drinking water and health care,” said the spokesman, Stephane Dujarric.
The “relentless bombardments and daily displacement orders” coupled with blocks on aid “are having a devastating impact on the entire population of more than two million people,” he said.
“Our humanitarian partners are warning that as a result, medical stocks, cooking gas and fuel needed to power bakeries and ambulances are running dangerously low.”


Palestinians protest Hamas in a rare public show of dissent in Gaza

Updated 26 March 2025
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Palestinians protest Hamas in a rare public show of dissent in Gaza

  • Protesters called for an end to 17 months of deadly fighting with Israel that has made life in Gaza insufferable
  • Public calls against Hamas, which still rules the territory months into the war with Israel, were rare

CAIRO: Thousands of Palestinians marched between the wreckage of a heavily destroyed town in northern Gaza on Wednesday in the second day of anti-war protests, with many chanting against Hamas in a rare display of public anger against the militant group.
The protests, which centered mainly on Gaza’s north, appeared to be aimed generally against the war, with protesters calling for an end to 17 months of deadly fighting with Israel that has made life in Gaza insufferable.
But the public calls against Hamas, which has long repressed dissent and still rules the territory months into the war with Israel, were rare.
In the town of Beit Lahiya, where a similar protest took place Tuesday, about 3,000 people demonstrated, with many chanting “the people want the fall of Hamas.” In the hard-hit Shijaiyah neighborhood of Gaza City, dozens of men chanted “Out, out out! Hamas get out!”
“Our children have been killed. Our houses have been destroyed,” said Abed Radwan, who said he joined the protest in Beit Lahiya “against the war, against Hamas, and the (Palestinian political) factions, against Israel and against the world’s silence.”
Ammar Hassan, who took part in a protest Tuesday, said it started as an anti-war protest with a few dozen people but swelled to more than 2,000, with people chanting against Hamas.
“It’s the only party we can affect,” he said by phone. “Protests won’t stop the (Israeli) occupation, but it can affect Hamas.”
The militant group has violently cracked down on previous protests. This time no outright intervention was apparent, perhaps because Hamas is keeping a lower profile since Israel resumed its war against it.
Senior Hamas official Bassem Naim, in a post on Facebook, wrote that people had the right to protest but that their focus should be on the “criminal aggressor,” Israel.
’We want to stop the killing’
Family elders from Beit Lahiya expressed support for the protests against Israel’s renewed offensive and its tightened blockade on all supplies into Gaza. Their statement said the community fully supports armed resistance against Israel.
“The protest was not about politics. It was about people’s lives,” said Mohammed Abu Saker, a father of three from the nearby town of Beit Hanoun, who joined a demonstration Tuesday.
“We want to stop the killing and displacement, no matter the price. We can’t stop Israel from killing us, but we can press Hamas to give concessions,” he said.
A similar protest occurred in the heavily destroyed area of Jabaliya on Tuesday, according to witnesses.
One protester in Jabaliya, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, said they joined the demonstration because “everyone failed us.”
They said they chanted against Israel, Hamas, the Western-backed Palestinian Authority and Arab mediators. They said there were no Hamas security forces at the protest but scuffles broke out between supporters and opponents of the group.
Later, they said they regretted participating because of Israeli media coverage, which emphasized the opposition to Hamas.
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz urged Palestinians to join the protests.
“You too should demand the removal of Hamas from Gaza and the immediate release of all Israeli hostages. That is the only way to stop the war,” he said.
A 19-year-old Palestinian, who also spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution said he planned to join demonstrations on Wednesday. His mother has cancer and his 10-year-old brother is hospitalized with cerebral palsy, and he said the family has been displaced multiple times since their home was destroyed.
“People are angry at the whole world,” including the United States, Israel and Hamas, he said. “We want Hamas to resolve this situation, return the hostages and end this whole thing.”
Renewed fighting
The protests erupted a week after Israel ended its ceasefire with Hamas by launching a surprise wave of strikes that killed hundreds of people. Earlier this month, Israel halted deliveries of food, fuel, medicine and humanitarian aid to Gaza’s roughly 2 million Palestinians.
Israel has vowed to escalate the war until Hamas returns the 59 hostages it still holds — 24 of them believed to be alive. Israel is also demanding that the group give up power, disarm and send its leaders into exile.
Hamas has said it will only release the remaining captives in exchange for Palestinian prisoners, a lasting ceasefire and an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza.
The war was triggered by Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack into Israel, in which Palestinian militants killed some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducted 251.
Israel’s retaliatory offensive has killed over 50,000 people, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. Israel’s bombardment and ground operations have caused vast destruction and at their height displaced some 90 percent of Gaza’s population.
Hamas won a landslide victory in the last Palestinian elections, held in 2006. It seized power in Gaza from the Western-backed Palestinian Authority, dominated by the secular Fatah movement, the following year after months of factional unrest and a week of heavy street battles.