A decade on, the broken dreams of the Arab Spring

1 / 4
In this file photo taken on January 23, 2011, inhabitants of the central Tunisia region of Sidi Bouzid demonstrate in front of the government palace in Tunis. (AFP / FETHI BELAID)
2 / 4
Libyans celebrate during the speech of Mustafa Abdul Jalil, Chairman of the Libyan Transitional Council, at the Martyrs' Square, in Tripoli on September 13, 2011. (AFP / Mahmud Turkia)
3 / 4
This file handout image released by the Syrian opposition's Shaam News Network on August 21, 2013 shows bodies of boys and men lined up on the ground in the eastern Ghouta suburb of Damascus, whom the Syrian opposition said were killed in a toxic gas attack by pro-government forces. (AFP file photo)
4 / 4
Protestors carry a flag with the slogan "Leave, Egypt is bigger than all of you" in the crowd after Friday prayer in Cairo's Tahrir square n November 25, 2011. (AFP / File photyo)
Short Url
Updated 23 November 2020
Follow

A decade on, the broken dreams of the Arab Spring

  • Participant in Libya protests says it was necessary for the Qadaffi regime to be dismantled
  • In Syria, protests for reforms was met with unremitting violence, which spiraled into a civil war

TUNIS: “The revolution showed me that everything is possible,” says Ameni Ghimaji, remembering the heady days of the Tunisian protests that sparked the Arab Spring uprisings a decade ago.
She was just 18 when Tunisian dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fell from power, the first casualty of wave upon wave of demonstrations across the Middle East and North Africa which saw some iron-fisted leaders tumble, some brutally cling on and nations convulse in years of upheaval, conflict and civil war.
“We had no plan for the future, but we were sure of one thing: anything has to be better than this,” added Ghimaji.
Ben Ali was ousted just hours after she was photographed, shouting and pumping her fist in the air, at a massive Tunis anti-regime rally.
Her picture swept the front pages and she became an iconic image of the youth in peaceful revolt.
The Tunisia protests were triggered when an impoverished street vendor set himself alight on December 17, 2010, weighed down by despair.
His shocking act of self-violence ignited long simmering tensions among young people, angered by Ben Ali’s corrupt, nepotistic regime and hungry for new opportunities.
Less than four weeks later, Ben Ali had fled into exile, ended his 23-year rule and, drawing courage from his ouster, protesters began gathering elsewhere.




This combination of pictures created on November 8, 2020 shows Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak (L), Tunisia's President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (2nd-L), and Yemen's President Ali Abdullah Saleh (R); and Libyan leader Moamer Kadhafi (2nd-R) . (AFP)


No magic potion
Today across the Arab world, the 2011 uprisings have been blamed for opening the floodgates to violence and economic ruin, leaving millions of refugees and displaced, while countless others have had their lives blighted by chaos.
But for those who were there, the early demonstrations were times of exhilaration and hope.
On January 14, 2011, social networks were flooded with footage of lawyer Abdennaceur Aouini defying a curfew to stand in the iconic Avenue Habib Bourguiba of central Tunis, shouting: “Ben Ali has fled!“
It felt like “revenge. Since I was 18 I’d been hassled and imprisoned,” Aouini, now aged 50, said.
But today, he admits he feels “disappointed.”
“There is always hope. But I was in a dream, today I have come to my senses,” added Aouini.
Despite the political freedoms Tunisians have won, they still face grinding unemployment, inflation and inequality.
“People thought that Ben Ali’s departure would fix things, but that will take 20, 30 years,” said lawyer and activist Houeida Anouar.
“I’m not sure that within my lifetime I’ll see a Tunisia with a political scene worthy of the name, but I’m optimistic.”

Libya's revolution “was necessary”
While Tunisia does have a hard-won constitution, a flawed but functioning parliamentary system and free elections, state repression has descended again on Egypt after a brief flirtation with democracy.
“Ten years on, you can see that the hopes are still there within the younger generation, a generation that were little kids at the time of the uprising,” said Mohamed Lotfy, 39, executive director of the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms.
But “the government is doing everything it can to kill that dream of January 25” 2011 when thousands marched in Cairo and other cities, demanding the departure of president Hosni Mubarak and “bread, freedom and dignity.”
Worse still is the situation in Libya, Yemen and Syria, where initially peaceful uprisings sparked civil wars that have laid waste to cities and killed hundreds of thousands of people.
But that’s not how it started, according to Majdi, a 36-year-old Libyan, who took part in protests against dictator Muammar Qaddafi a decade ago.
“We were watching what happened in Tunisia and Egypt,” he said. “It was our turn, change was inevitable.”
Protesters’ demands were “just a bit more freedom, some justice and some hope for the young people who didn’t have any,” he said.
Initially “there was no talk of overthrowing the regime.”
But the regime’s bloody response provoked a call to arms.
Qaddafi’s killing while on the run in October 2011 plunged the country into a decade of violent chaos.
“With hindsight, I don’t think we knew how much damage Qaddafi had done to the foundations of the state,” Majdi said.
Yet he insists he has no regrets: the revolution “was necessary, and I still believe in it.”




In this file photo taken on March 29, 2008, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (R) shakes hands with Libya's late leader Muammar Qaddafi at the opening session of the Arab Summit in Damascus. (AFP / HASSAN AMMAR)


“Syrians were only calling for reforms”
“We were only demanding reform,” said Dahnoun, a Syrian.
He joined some of the country’s first protests against President Bashar Assad, and recalled “no chants were calling for division, or fighting, or war. On the contrary, it was very peaceful.”
“I remember, we used to chant ‘freedom, freedom, freedom’ and nothing else,” Dahnoun told AFP by phone from Idlib city.
But the movement was met with unremitting violence, including on some occasions the once taboo use of chemical weapons by Syrian regime forces, charges that Damascus denies.
“During that first protest we were attacked by regime thugs and security forces,” said Dahnoun, who was 15 at the time.
As in Libya, the worsening situation in Syria drew in outside nations, seizing both an opportunity to boost their sway and minimize regional turbulence.
“We were played by foreign powers, and now Syrians have zero say and external players have the last word,” he said.
“I don’t have hope... Syria is not ours anymore.”
A crushing 2015 intervention by Russia to prop up the Syrian regime saw Damascus claw back swathes of territory that had been held by opposition forces, and Assad now controls over 70 percent of the country.
But a brutal economic crisis, accentuated by Western sanctions, has seen the government criticized from all sides, even those who did not support the revolution.
Abu Hamza, a teacher from Daraa where the first demonstrations of the Syrian revolution began, says people have “no loyalty” toward the regime.
“When you are hungry, you have no more fear,” the father-of-three told AFP by phone from Daraa.
“I’m dead either way. I’ll either be killed by tanks or by hunger.”


2 children and a woman crushed to death outside Gaza bakery amid food shortage

Updated 10 sec ago
Follow

2 children and a woman crushed to death outside Gaza bakery amid food shortage

The bodies of two girls aged 13 and 17 and the 50-year-old woman were taken to the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir Al-Balah in central Gaza
Osama Abu Laban, the father of one of the girls, wailed over the loss of her life outside the hospital

GAZA: Two children and a woman were crushed to death Friday as a crowd of Palestinians pushed to get bread at a bakery in the Gaza Strip amid a worsening food crisis in the war-ravaged territory, medical officials said.
The bodies of two girls aged 13 and 17 and the 50-year-old woman were taken to the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir Al-Balah in central Gaza, where a doctor confirmed that they died from suffocation due to crowding at the Al-Banna bakery. Video from The Associated Press showed their bodies placed next to each other on the floor inside the hospital’s morgue.
The flow of food allowed into Gaza by Israel has fallen to nearly its lowest level of almost 14-month-old war for the past two months, according to Israeli official figures. UN and aid officials say hunger and desperation are growing among Gaza’s population, almost all of which relies on humanitarian aid to survive.
Osama Abu Laban, the father of one of the girls, wailed over the loss of her life outside the hospital.
“My wife fell when she heard that she (our daughter) was suffocating. She did not yet know that she was dead,” he told the AP.
Some bakeries in Gaza were closed for several days last week due to a shortage of flour. AP footage taken last week after they reopened showed large crowds of people cramming together, screaming and pushing, at one bakery in Deir Al-Balah.
Palestinians across the Gaza Strip are heavily relying on bakeries and charitable kitchens, with many able to only secure one meal a day for their families.
In Lebanon, thousands of displaced people began returning to their homes this week after a ceasefire was announced between Israel and the Hezbollah militant group.
Many found their homes reduced to rubble after intense Israeli airstrikes over the past two months leveled entire neighborhoods in eastern and southern Lebanon, as well as the southern suburbs of Beirut. Nearly 1.2 million people have been displaced.
The truce was the first major sign of progress in the region since war began more than a year ago, triggered by Hamas’ attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. But it does not address the devastating war in Gaza. For Palestinians in Gaza and families of hostages held in the territory, the ceasefire marked another missed opportunity to end fighting that has stretched on for nearly 14 months.
More than 44,000 people have been killed and more than 104,000 wounded, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. Israel has destroyed large parts of Gaza and displaced nearly all of its 2.3 million people.

Israelis are wary of returning to the north because they don’t trust the ceasefire with Hezbollah

Updated 34 min 41 sec ago
Follow

Israelis are wary of returning to the north because they don’t trust the ceasefire with Hezbollah

  • “The ceasefire is rubbish,” said Sweetland, a gardener and member of the kibbutz’s civilian security squad
  • Across the border, Lebanese civilians have jammed roads in a rush to return to homes in the country’s south, but most residents of northern Israel have met the ceasefire with suspicion

KIBBUTZ MALKIYA, Israel: Dean Sweetland casts his gaze over a forlorn street in the Israeli community of Kibbutz Malkiya. Perched on a hill overlooking the border with Lebanon, the town stands mostly empty after being abandoned a year ago.
The daycare is closed. The homes are unkempt. Parts of the landscape are ashen from fires sparked by fallen Hezbollah rockets. Even after a tenuous Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire designed to let Israelis return to the north, the mood here is far from celebratory.
“The ceasefire is rubbish,” said Sweetland, a gardener and member of the kibbutz’s civilian security squad. “Do you expect me to ring around my friends and say, ‘All the families should come home?’ No.”
Across the border, Lebanese civilians have jammed roads in a rush to return to homes in the country’s south, but most residents of northern Israel have met the ceasefire with suspicion and apprehension.
“Hezbollah could still come back to the border, and who will protect us when they do?” Sweetland asked.
Israel’s government seeks to bring the northern reaches of the country back to life, particularly the line of communities directly abutting Lebanon that have played a major role in staking out Israel’s border.
But the fear of Hezbollah, a lack of trust in United Nations peacekeeping forces charged with upholding the ceasefire, deep anger at the government and some Israelis’ desire to keep rebuilding their lives elsewhere are keeping many from returning immediately.
When the truce took effect, about 45,000 Israelis had evacuated from the north. They fled their homes after Hezbollah began firing across the border on Oct. 8, 2023, in solidarity with its ally Hamas in Gaza. That triggered more than a year of cross-border exchanges, with Lebanese villages in the south and Israeli communities facing the border taking the brunt of the pain.
During the truce’s initial 60-day phase, Hezbollah is supposed to remove its armed presence from a broad band of southern Lebanon where the military says the militant group had been digging in for years by gathering weapons and setting up rocket launch sites and other infrastructure. Under the ceasefire, a UN peacekeeping force known as UNIFIL and a beefed-up Lebanese army presence are supposed to ensure Hezbollah doesn’t return.
Many residents of northern Israel are skeptical that the peace will hold.
Sarah Gould, who evacuated Kibbutz Malkiya at the start of the war with her three kids, said Hezbollah fired on the community up to and just past the minute when the ceasefire took effect early Wednesday.
“So for the government to tell me that Hezbollah is neutralized,” she said, “it’s a perfect lie.”
Residents fear for their safety in the far north
In Gaza, where Israel is pushing forward with a war that has killed over 44,000 Palestinians, Israel’s goal is the eradication of Hamas. But in Lebanon, Israel’s aims were limited to pushing Hezbollah away from the border so northern residents could return home.
Israeli critics say the government should have kept fighting to outright cripple Hezbollah or to clear out the border area, which is home to hundreds of thousands of Lebanese.
“I won’t even begin to consider going home until I know there’s a dead zone for kilometers across the border,” the 46-year-old Gould said.
Some wary Israelis trickled back home Thursday and Friday to areas farther from the border. But communities like Kibbutz Manara, set on a tiny slice of land between Lebanon and Syria, remained ghost towns.
Orna Weinberg, 58, who was born and raised in Manara, said it was too early to tell whether the ceasefire would protect the community.
Perched above all the other border villages, Manara was uniquely vulnerable to Hezbollah fire throughout the war. Three-quarters of its structures were damaged.
In the kibbutz’s communal kitchen and dining hall, ceiling beams have collapsed. The uprooted floorboards are covered with ash from fires that also claimed much of the kibbutz’s cropland.
Rocket fragments abound. The torso of a mannequin, a decoy dressed in army green, lies on the ground.
Weinberg tried to stay in Manara during the war, but after anti-tank shrapnel damaged her home, soldiers told her to leave. On Thursday, she walked along her street, which looks out directly over a UNIFIL position separating the kibbutz from a line of Lebanese villages that have been decimated by Israeli bombardment and demolitions.
Weinberg said UNIFIL hadn’t prevented Hezbollah’s build-up in the past, “so why would they be able to now?”
“A ceasefire here just gives Hezbollah a chance to rebuild their power and come back to places that they were driven out of,” she said.
The truce seemed fragile.
Associated Press reporters heard sporadic bursts of gunfire, likely Israeli troops firing at Lebanese attempting to enter the towns. Israel’s military says it is temporarily preventing Lebanese civilians from returning home to a line of towns closest to the border, until the Lebanese military can deploy there in force.
Even in less battered communities, no one returns home
Though the atmosphere along the border was tense, Malkiya showed signs of peace. With Hezbollah’s rockets stopped, some residents returned briefly to the kibbutz to peer around cautiously.
At a vista overlooking the border, where the hulking wreckage of Lebanese villages could made out, a group of around 30 soldiers gathered. Just days ago, they would have made easy targets for Hezbollah fire.
Malkiya has sustained less damage than Manara. Still, residents said they would not return immediately. During a year of displacement, many have restarted their lives elsewhere, and the idea of going back to a front-line town on the border is daunting.
In Lebanon, where Israeli bombardment and ground assaults drove some 1.2 million people from their homes, some of the displaced crowded into schools-turned-shelters or slept in the streets.
In Israel, the government paid for hotels for evacuees and helped accommodate children in new schools. Gould predicted residents would return to the kibbutz only when government subsidies for their lodging dried up — “not because they want to, but because they feel like they can’t afford an alternative.”
“It’s not just a security issue,” Gould said. “We’ve spent more than a year rebuilding our lives wherever we landed. It’s a question of having to gather that up and move back somewhere else, somewhere that’s technically our old house but not a home. Nothing feels the same.”
It’s unclear if schools in the border communities will have enough students to reopen, Gould said, and her children are already enrolled elsewhere. She’s enjoyed living farther from the border, away from an open war zone.
There’s also a deep feeling that the communities were abandoned by the government, Sweetland said.
Sweetland is one of roughly 25 civilian security volunteers who stayed throughout the war, braving continual rocket fire to keep the kibbutz afloat. They repaired damaged homes, put out blazes and helped replace the kibbutz generator when it was taken out by Hezbollah fire. They were on their own, with no firefighters or police willing to risk coming, he said.
“We didn’t have any help for months and months and months, and we pleaded, ‘Please help us.’”
Sweetland said he will keep watching over the hushed pathways of the once-vibrant community in hopes his neighbors will soon feel safe enough to return. But he predicted it would take months.
Weinberg hopes to move back to Manara as soon as possible. On Thursday, she spotted a former neighbor who was about to leave after checking the damage to her home.
Weinberg grasped her hand through the car window, asking how she was. The woman grimaced and began to cry. Their hands parted as the car slowly rolled out through the gates and drove away.


France urges ceasefire in Sudan war, pledges aid to Chad

Updated 29 November 2024
Follow

France urges ceasefire in Sudan war, pledges aid to Chad

  • French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot denounced the attitude of Russia, which vetoed a UN resolution last week that urged a ceasefire and the protection of civilians in Sudan
  • Russia has “abandoned the Sudanese” and “unveiled its relationship with Africa, a relationship based on greed, cynicism and hyprocrisy“

ADRE, Chad: France’s foreign minister on Thursday called on foreign nations to stop helping the warring sides in famine-stricken Sudan’s civil war as he visited refugee camps in neighboring Chad.
Sudan has been mired since April 2023 in conflict between the army, led by General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by his former deputy, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo.
Both sides face accusations of war crimes, including targeting civilians, shelling residential areas, and blocking or looting aid.
The conflict has killed tens of thousands and forced over 11 million people out of their homes, with 2.1 million fleeing the country. The United Nations estimates that more than 25 million people — over half the population — facing acute hunger.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot denounced the attitude of Russia, which vetoed a UN resolution last week that urged a ceasefire and the protection of civilians in Sudan.
Russia has “abandoned the Sudanese” and “unveiled its relationship with Africa, a relationship based on greed, cynicism and hyprocrisy,” the minister said.
Around 1.5 million Sudanese refugees have fled to Chad, a country of 20 million people.
Barrot urged the Sudanese armed forces to “keep the Adre crossing open and lift all bureaucratic impediments to the delivery of humanitarian aid.”
Adre, leading into Chad, is the only access point to famine-stricken Darfur in western Sudan.
He urged the RSF to “cease looting, racketeering and the diversion of humanitarian convoys to allow them to arrive at their destination.”
Chad’s Foreign Minister Abderaman Koulamallah, who was with Barrot said that Chad “remains strictly neutral in the conflict.”
“We have an interest in bringing peace back to Sudan and remaining as neutral as possible in this war,” he added.
Barrot pledged an additional seven million euros ($7.4 million) in aid to support efforts to fight cholera and help women and children in Chad.
Paris had already vowed to donate $110 million in April.
Several nations have promised more than $2 billion for Sudan, but voiced concern about getting the aid to the population.


The diplomatic push that took Lebanon from Armageddon to ceasefire

Updated 29 November 2024
Follow

The diplomatic push that took Lebanon from Armageddon to ceasefire

  • Lebanese officials had made it clear to the US that Lebanon had little trust in either Washington or Netanyahu, two European diplomats said
  • France had been increasingly critical of Israel’s military campaigns, and Lebanese officials regarded it as a counterweight in talks to the US, the Western diplomat said

PARIS/WASHINGTON/BEIRUT: The ceasefire deal that ended a relentless barrage of Israeli airstrikes and led Lebanon into a shaky peace took shape over weeks of talks and was uncertain until the final hours.
US envoy Amos Hochstein shuttled repeatedly to Beirut and Jerusalem despite the ructions of an election at home to secure a deal that required help from France — and that was nearly derailed by international arrest warrants for Israel’s leaders.
Israel had signalled last month that it had achieved its main war goals in Lebanon by dealing Iran-backed Hezbollah a series of stunning blows, but an agreed truce remained some way off.
A football match, intense shuttle diplomacy and pressure from the United States all helped get it over the line on Tuesday night, officials and diplomats said.
Longstanding enemies, Israel and Hezbollah have been fighting for 14 months since the Lebanese group began firing rockets at Israeli military targets in support of the Palestinian militant group Hamas.
Escalations over the summer drew in Hezbollah’s main patron Iran and threatened a regional conflagration, as Israel refocused its military from the urban ruins of Gaza to the rugged border hills of Lebanon.
Israel stepped up its campaign suddenly in September with its pager attack and targeted airstrikes that killed Hezbollah’s leader and many in its command structure. Tanks crossed the border late on Sept. 30.
With swathes of southern Lebanon in ruins, more than a million Lebanese driven from their homes and Hezbollah under pressure, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu indicated in October there was “a window” for a deal, a senior US administration official said.
Although some in Israel sought a more comprehensive victory and an uninhabited buffer zone in Lebanon, the country was strained by a two-front war that had required many people to leave their jobs to fight as reservists.

DIPLOMACY
“You sometimes get a sense when things get into the final lane, where the parties are not only close, but that the will is there and the desire is there and the stars are aligned,” the senior US administration official said in a briefing.
Officials of the governments of Israel, Lebanon, France and the US who described to Reuters how the agreement came together declined to be identified for this story, citing the sensitivity of the matter.
Hezbollah did not immediately respond to a request for comment about how the deal was negotiated.
In Lebanon, Hezbollah was still fighting but under intense pressure, and newly open to a ceasefire that was not dependent on a truce in Gaza — in effect dropping a demand it had made early in the war.
The Shiite group had in early October endorsed Lebanon’s veteran Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, its longtime ally, to lead negotiations.
With Hochstein shuttling between the countries, meeting Israeli negotiators under Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer and reporting back daily to US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, France was also in the picture.
Paris had been working with Hochstein on a failed attempt for a truce in September and was still working in parallel to the US
Lebanese officials had made it clear to the US that Lebanon had little trust in either Washington or Netanyahu, two European diplomats said.
France had been increasingly critical of Israel’s military campaigns, and Lebanese officials regarded it as a counterweight in talks to the US, the Western diplomat said.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot visited the region in early November at Israel’s request despite tensions between the countries.
He held long talks with Dermer on the mechanics of a ceasefire with a phased approach to redeployments, with the two delegations poring over maps, two sources aware of the matter said.
As things worsened for Lebanon, there was frustration at the pace of talks. “(Hochstein) told us he needed 10 days to get to a ceasefire but the Israelis dragged it out to a month to finish up military operations,” a Lebanese official said.

VIOLATIONS
The deal was to be based on better implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which ended a 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. Both sides complained of repeated violations of that deal and wanted reassurances.
The main sticking point was Israel’s insistence on a free hand to strike if Hezbollah violated 1701. That was not acceptable to Lebanon.
Eventually Israel and the US agreed a side-deal — verbal assurances according to a Western diplomat — that Israel would be able to respond to threats.
“The two sides keep their right to defend themselves, but we want to do everything to avoid them exercising that right,” a European diplomat said.
Israel was also worried about Hezbollah weapons supplies through Syria. It sent messages to Syrian President Bashar Assad via intermediaries to prevent this, three diplomatic sources said.
It reinforced the message by ramping up air strikes in Syria, including near Russian forces in Latakia province where there is a major port, the three sources said.
“Israel can almost dictate the terms. Hezbollah is massively weakened. Hezbollah wants and needs a ceasefire more than Israel does. This is finishing not due to American diplomacy but because Israel feels it has done what it needs to do,” said a senior Western diplomat.

OBSTACLES The talks intensified as the Nov. 5 US presidential election loomed and reached a turning point after Donald Trump won the vote.
US mediators briefed the Trump team, telling them the deal was good for Israel, good for Lebanon and good for US national security, the senior US administration official said.
A potential new flashpoint endangering the critical role of Paris in the negotiations emerged as an Israeli soccer team traveled to France after violence had engulfed Israeli fans in Amsterdam.
However, with French authorities averting trouble, French President Emmanuel Macron sat next to the Israeli ambassador in the stadium. “The match was so boring that the two spent an hour talking about how to calm tensions between the two allies and move forward,” the source aware of the matter said.
At this key moment the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant.
Netanyahu threatened to cut France out of any deal if Paris abided by its Rome Statute obligation to arrest him if he went there, three sources said. That could in turn torpedo Lebanese agreement to the truce.
US President Joe Biden phoned Macron, who in turn phoned Netanyahu before Biden and Macron spoke again, the US official said. The Elysee eventually settled on a statement accepting the ICC’s authority but shying away from threats of an arrest.
Over the weekend US officials then ramped up pressure on Israel, with Hochstein warning that if a deal was not agreed within days, he would pull the plug on mediation, two Israeli officials said.
By Tuesday it all came together and on Wednesday the bombs stopped falling.


Israel building military corridor splitting northern Gaza: BBC

Palestinians walk next to damaged buildings after Israeli forces withdrew from a part of Nuseirat in central Gaza on November 29
Updated 29 November 2024
Follow

Israel building military corridor splitting northern Gaza: BBC

  • Satellite photos, video footage show buildings demolished, troop positions established
  • Expert: ‘I think they’re going to settle Jewish settlers in the north, probably in the next 18 months’

LONDON: Israel is building military infrastructure separating the north of the Gaza Strip from the rest of the Palestinian enclave, the BBC has reported.

The broadcaster’s Verify team said it has seen satellite images showing that buildings have been demolished along a line from the Israeli border with Gaza to the Mediterranean through a series of controlled explosions.

BBC Verify added that the images show Israeli military vehicles and soldiers stationed along the line, which reaches almost 9 km across the enclave, cutting off Gaza City from the towns of Jabalia, Beit Hanoun and Beit Lahia.

Footage has also emerged online of Israeli soldiers destroying buildings in the area since October, and of personnel driving Humvee vehicles through the zone.

Footage has also been released by Hamas fighters still in the area engaging with Israeli ground forces and tanks around the new dividing line.

Dr. H. A. Hellyer, a Middle East expert at the Royal United Services Institute, told the BBC that the images suggest Israel will block thousands of Palestinians from returning to their homes in northern Gaza.

This new partition is not the first to be built in Gaza since the start of the war in October 2023.

The Netzarim Corridor to the south separates Gaza City into two areas, whilst the Philadelphi Corridor separates the south of the enclave from its border with Egypt.

“They’re digging in for the long term,” Hellyer said. “I would absolutely expect the north partition to develop exactly like the Netzarim Corridor.”

He added: “I think they’re going to settle Jewish settlers in the north, probably in the next 18 months. They won’t call them settlements.

“To begin with they’ll call them outposts or whatever, but that’s what they’ll be and they’ll grow from there.”

The developments have raised fears that Israel is implementing a plan devised by former Gen. Giora Elland to force civilians out of northern Gaza by limiting supplies, and informing those who remain that they will be treated as enemy combatants, in a bid to pressure Hamas into releasing Israeli hostages.

The BBC reported that around 90 percent of Gaza has been subject to evacuation orders at various points since the start of the conflict, with millions of people repeatedly displaced.

The UN estimates, with the assistance of aid agencies working in Gaza, that around 65,000 people could still be trapped north of the new line, where they face the prospect of starving. 

A UN spokesperson on Tuesday said “virtually no aid” is entering the area, and locals are “facing critical shortages of supplies and services, as well as severe overcrowding and poor hygiene conditions.”

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has said Israel should occupy Gaza and “encourage” Palestinians to leave.