Violent crime within Israel’s Palestinian minority reaches new heights under Netanyahu’s government

More than 100 people have been killed in violent crime in Arab communities since the start of this year, more than three times higher than at the same time last year. (AP)
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Updated 18 June 2023
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Violent crime within Israel’s Palestinian minority reaches new heights under Netanyahu’s government

  • Skyrocketing violence lays bare the deep inequities in Israeli society, with Arabs facing years of discrimination that activists say laid the groundwork for the unabating bloodshed
  • Israeli authorities have historically ignored deadly crime among Arabs, doing little to deter violence or hold criminals to account

LOD: A relentless wave of violent crime within Israel’s Palestinian minority is turning cities and towns into bloody battlefields, exasperating a community feeling increasingly forsaken by Israeli authorities.
Anger over the mounting insecurity is directed at Israel’s government and its ultranationalist minister in charge of police, Itamar Ben-Gvir. Critics say that with his history of anti-Arab rhetoric, he cannot be trusted to combat the rising scourge.
The skyrocketing violence lays bare the deep inequities in Israeli society, with Arabs facing years of discrimination that activists say laid the groundwork for the unabating bloodshed.
More than 100 people have been killed in violent crime in Arab communities this year, nearly three times higher than at the same time last year, according to the Abraham Initiatives, a group that promotes Jewish-Arab coexistence and safe communities. It also is more than three times the murder rate in the majority Jewish sector, according to official figures, despite Arabs making up just a fifth of the country’s population of 9.7 million.
Authorities say they are trying their best. But activists see a direct link between the soaring figures and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government. The coalition, which includes ultranationalist factions with anti-Arab hues, took office in late December.
The head of one of those parties, Jewish Power’s Ben-Gvir, has made racist remarks and before entering politics was convicted of incitement to violence and support for a Jewish terror group. As national security minister, he now oversees the country’s police force.
“Will a person who is busy making racist comments against Arabs protect them,” said Thabet Abu Rass, co-director of the Abraham Initiatives. “We are citizens of this country. We deserve to feel secure like anyone else in this country. And that is his responsibility.”
Israel’s Palestinian minority, which makes up 20 percent of the country’s population, has been convulsed by violent crime in recent years involving criminal gangs and family disputes.
Activists say Israeli authorities have historically ignored deadly crime among Arabs, doing little to deter violence or hold criminals to account. They say that sense has deepened under the current government. Of the 100 or so people killed this year, police have brought charges in just over 10 cases, according to Abu Rass.
Ben-Gvir has pledged to serve all Israelis. But the community views his past remarks and perceived neglect of the crisis as a sign that the government isn’t looking out for them.
Earlier this month, five people were killed when a gunman opened fire at a car wash near the biblical city of Nazareth, and the shooter is not known to have been caught. In April, the bodyguard for the mayor of an Arab city was shot and killed outside the mayor’s home.
Women and children have not been spared, among them an 18-year-old killed recently who had reportedly received threats over her sexual orientation. Two toddler siblings and their mother were allegedly killed by their father in May.
Shootings are so common in some places that residents fear leaving their homes, not only to avoid getting hurt but also to make sure they don’t accidentally become witnesses to a crime and fall into the killers’ sights.
“We leave the house, we’re scared. The kids are at school, I am afraid for them. I am always thinking ‘will my son return home or not?’” said Mirvat Saleh, 48, a plant and flower vendor at a market in Lod, a mixed Arab-Jewish city in central Israel rife with violence.
Under Ben-Gvir’s leadership, critics say the police is in disarray, with a crisis in confidence within the ranks, including spats between the minister and the police chief, and a series of departures by top officers, including the head of the unit fighting crime in the Arab population.
Ben-Gvir says he is dealing with manpower shortages that have been complicated by weekly mass protests against a government plan to overhaul the judiciary that need securing.
“The police chief and I are working hard,” Ben-Gvir said after the five people were killed near Nazareth. “We are trying to address the root problems.”
Ben-Gvir, whose office did not respond to requests for comment, has pushed for the establishment of a new ” national guard,” which he says will increase community policing. Critics say the guard, which would report directly to Ben-Gvir, would amount to a personal militia for the minister.
Netanyahu says his governments have over the years poured resources into fighting crime. Now, he has met with Arab leaders and pledged to crack down, established a committee to try to tackle the crime and even promised to enlist the Shin Bet domestic security agency.
“We are determined to restore law and order in the face of this violent crime. We will do whatever is necessary,” Netanyahu said.
The security agency, whose main work is to keep tabs on Palestinian militants, has been wary of using its spying tools on Israeli citizens in the past. Israeli media have reported its leaders expressing similar concerns now.
While successive governments have struggled to contain the violence, critics say the tone under Netanyahu’s current coalition has ruptured trust. One lawmaker from Ben-Gvir’s party livestreamed himself making slurs at Arab legislators in parliament. The Netanyahu-appointed police chief reportedly said it was the “nature” and “mentality” of Arabs to kill. Involving the Shin Bet, which is deeply mistrusted by Palestinian citizens, is another sign of the tone deafness, critics say.


The crime is rooted in deeper underlying issues that have plagued the community for decades, activists say.
Israeli Arab citizens are descendants of Palestinians who remained within the borders of what became Israel in 1948. Members of the community have reached the highest echelons of government, business and other fields.
But while they tend to be better off than their Palestinian brethren in the West Bank and Gaza, Israel’s Palestinian citizens are generally poorer and less educated than Jews and have long faced neglect or discrimination in policing, public services and housing.
Those societal issues fuel the violence, said Wisal Raed, who focuses on crime in the Arab population at Sikkuy-Aufoq, a group that advocates for equality between Arabs and Jews.
She said a historic lack of access to bank loans drives many to turn to crime families for capital, entangling themselves in potentially dangerous business.
She also pointed to a crisis of space in Palestinian communities, where land is hard to come by, not only for housing, but even parking spots because of planning challenges sometimes stymied by the state. Issues like those ramp up already simmering disputes that descend into violent feuds.
“If the government continues to neglect these spheres, even if the police does what needs to be done,” she said, “the root problem won’t be dealt with.”


Food shortages bring hunger pains to displaced families in central Gaza

Updated 3 sec ago
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Food shortages bring hunger pains to displaced families in central Gaza

  • Almost all of Gaza’s roughly 2.3 million people now rely on international aid for survival, and doctors and aid groups say malnutrition is rampant
DEIR AL-BALAH: A shortage in flour and the closure of a main bakery in central Gaza have exacerbated an already dire humanitarian situation, as Palestinian families struggle to obtain enough food.
A crowd of people waited dejectedly in the cold outside the shuttered Zadna Bakery in Deir Al-Balah on Monday.
Among them was Umm Shadi, a displaced woman from Gaza City, who told The Associated Press that there was no bread left due to the lack of flour — a bag of which costs as much as 400 shekels ($107) in the market, she said, if any can be found.
“Who can buy a bag of flour for 400 shekels?” she asked.
Nora Muhanna, another woman displaced from Gaza City, said she was leaving empty-handed after waiting five or six hours for a bag of bread for her kids.
“From the beginning, there are no goods, and even if they are available, there is no money,” she said.
Almost all of Gaza’s roughly 2.3 million people now rely on international aid for survival, and doctors and aid groups say malnutrition is rampant. Food security experts say famine may already be underway in hard-hit north Gaza. Aid groups accuse the Israeli military of hindering and even blocking shipments in Gaza.
Meanwhile, dozens lined up in Deir Al-Balah to get their share of lentil soup and some bread at a makeshift charity kitchen.
Refat Abed, a displaced man from Gaza City, no longer knows how he can afford food.
“Where can I get money?” he asked. “Do I beg? If it were not for God and charity, my children and I would go hungry,”

Even with Lebanon truce deal, Israel will operate against Hezbollah — Netanyahu

Updated 17 min 24 sec ago
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Even with Lebanon truce deal, Israel will operate against Hezbollah — Netanyahu

  • Lebanon’s government has largely endorsed US truce proposal to end Israel-Hezbollah war
  • Israel insists any truce deal must guarantee no further Hezbollah presence in area bordering Israel

JERUSALEM: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Monday that Israel will continue to operate militarily against the Iran-backed Lebanese armed movement Hezbollah even if a ceasefire deal is reached in Lebanon.
“The most important thing is not (the deal that) will be laid on paper,” Netanyahu told the Israeli parliament.
“We will be forced to ensure our security in the north (of Israel) and to systematically carry out operations against Hezbollah’s attacks... even after a ceasefire,” to keep the group from rebuilding, he said.
Netanyahu also said there was no evidence that Hezbollah would respect any ceasefire reached.
“We will not allow Hezbollah to return to the state it was in on October 6” 2023, the eve of the strike by its Palestinian ally Hamas into southern Israel, he said.
Hezbollah then began firing into northern Israel in support of Hamas, triggering exchanges with Israel that escalated into full-on war in late September this year.
Lebanon’s government has largely endorsed a US truce proposal to end the Israel-Hezbollah war and was preparing final comments before responding to Washington, a Lebanese official told AFP on Monday.
Israel insists that any truce deal must guarantee no further Hezbollah presence in the area bordering Israel.


Defiant Lebanese harvest olives in the shadow of war

Updated 19 November 2024
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Defiant Lebanese harvest olives in the shadow of war

  • A World Bank report this month said that “the disruption of the olive harvest caused by bombing and displacement is expected to lead to $58 million in losses” in Lebanon

KFEIR: On a mountain slope in south Lebanon, agricultural worker Assaad Al-Taqi is busy picking olives, undeterred by the roar of Israeli warplanes overhead.
This year, he is collecting the harvest against the backdrop of the raging Israel-Hezbollah war.
He works in the village of Kfeir, just a few kilometers (miles) from where Israeli bombardment has devastated much of south Lebanon since Israel escalated its campaign against Iran-backed Hezbollah in September.
“But I’m not afraid of the shelling,” Taqi said, as he and other workers hit the tree branches with sticks, sending showers of olives tumbling down into jute bags.
“Our presence here is an act of defiance,” the 51-year-old said, but also noting that the olive “is the tree of peace.”
Kfeir is nine kilometers (six miles) from the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, in the mixed Christian and Druze district of Hasbaya, which has largely been spared the violence that has wracked nearby Hezbollah strongholds.
But even Hasbaya’s relative tranquillity was shattered last month when three journalists were killed in an Israeli strike on a complex where they were sleeping.
Israel and Hezbollah had previously exchanged cross-border fire for almost a year over the Gaza conflict.
The workers in Kfeir rest in the shade of the olive trees, some 900 meters (3,000 feet) above sea level on the slopes of Mount Hermon, which overlooks an area where Lebanese, Syrian and Israeli-held territory meet.
They have been toiling in relative peace since dawn, interrupted only by sonic booms from Israeli jets breaking the sound barrier and the sight of smoke rising on the horizon from strikes on a south Lebanon border village.
Hassna Hammad, 48, who was among those picking olives, said the agricultural work was her livelihood.
“We aren’t afraid, we’re used to it,” she said of the war.
But “we are afraid for our brothers impacted by the conflict,” she added, referring to the hundreds of thousands of Lebanese displaced by the fighting.
Elsewhere in south Lebanon, olive trees are bulging with fruit that nobody will pick, after villagers fled Israeli bombardment and the subsequent ground operation that began on September 30.
A World Bank report this month said that “the disruption of the olive harvest caused by bombing and displacement is expected to lead to $58 million in losses” in Lebanon.
It said 12 percent of olive groves in the conflict-affected areas it assessed had been destroyed.
Normally, the olive-picking season is highly anticipated in Lebanon, and some people return each year to their native villages and fields just for the harvest.
“Not everyone has the courage to come” this time, said Salim Kassab, who owns a traditional press where villagers bring their olives to extract the oil.
“Many people are absent... They sent workers to replace them,” said Kassab, 50.
“There is fear of the war of course,” he said, adding that he had come alone this year, without his wife and children.
Kassab said that before the conflict, he used to travel to the southern cities of Nabatiyeh and Sidon if he needed to fix his machines, but such trips are near impossible now because of the danger.
The World Bank report estimated that 12 months of agriculture sector losses have cost Lebanon $1.1 billion, in a country already going through a gruelling five-year economic crisis before the fighting erupted.
Areas near the southern border have sustained “the most significant damage and losses,” the report said.
It cited “the burning and abandonment of large areas of agricultural land” in both south and east Lebanon, “along with lost harvests due to the displacement of farmers.”
Elsewhere in Kfeir, Inaam Abu Rizk, 77, and her husband were busy washing olives they plan to either press for oil or jar to be served throughout the winter.
Abu Rizk has taken part in the olive harvest for decades, part of a tradition handed down the generations, and said that despite the war, this year was no different.
“Of course we’re afraid... there is the sound of planes and bombing,” she said.
But “we love the olive month — we are farmers and the land is our work.”


Iraqis face tough homecoming a decade after Daesh rampage

Updated 19 November 2024
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Iraqis face tough homecoming a decade after Daesh rampage

  • Baghdad has been pushing for the closure of the displacement camps, with the country having attained a degree of comparative stability in recent years

HASSAN SHAMI: A decade after Daesh group extremists rampaged through northern Iraq, Moaz Fadhil and his eight children finally returned to their village after languishing for years in a displacement camp.
Their home, Hassan Shami, is just a stone’s throw from the tent city where they had been living, and it still bears the scars of the fight against Daesh.
The jihadists seized a third of Iraq, ruling their self-declared “caliphate” with an iron fist, before an international coalition wrestled control from them in 2017.
Seven years on, many of the village’s homes are still in ruins and lacking essential services, but Fadhil said he felt an “indescribable joy” upon moving back in August.
Iraq — marred by decades of war and turmoil even before the rise of Daesh — is home to more than a million internally displaced people.
Baghdad has been pushing for the closure of the displacement camps, with the country having attained a degree of comparative stability in recent years.
Most of the camps in federal Iraq have now been closed, but around 20 remain in the northern autonomous Kurdistan region, which according to the United Nations house more than 115,000 displaced people.
But for many, actually returning home can be a difficult task.
After getting the green light from Kurdish security forces to leave the camp, Fadhil moved his family into a friend’s damaged house because his own is a complete ruin.

“Water arrives by tanker trucks and there is no electricity,” said the 53-year-old.
Although the rubble has been cleared from the structure he now lives in, the cinder block walls and rough concrete floors remain bare.
Across Hassan Shami, half-collapsed houses sit next to concrete buildings under construction by those residents who can afford to rebuild.
Some have installed solar panels to power their new lives.
A small new mosque stands, starkly white, beside an asphalt road.
“I was born here, and before me my father and mother,” said Fadhil, an unemployed farmer.
“I have beautiful memories with my children, my parents.”
The family survives mainly on the modest income brought in by his eldest son, who works as a day laborer on building sites.
“Every four or five days he works a day” for about $8, said Fadhil.
In an effort to close the camps and facilitate returns, Iraqi authorities are offering families around $3,000 to go back to their places of origin.
To do so, displaced people must also get security clearance — to ensure they are not wanted for jihadist crimes — and have their identity papers or property rights in order.
But of the 11,000 displaced people still living in six displacement camps near Hassan Shami, 600 are former prisoners, according to the UN.
They were released after serving up to five years for crimes related to membership of IS.

For them, going home can mean further complications.
There’s the risk of ostracism by neighbors or tribes for their perceived affiliation with Daesh atrocities, potential arrest at a checkpoint by federal forces or even a second trial.
Among them is 32-year-old Rashid, who asked that we use a pseudonym because of his previous imprisonment in Kurdistan for belonging to the jihadist group.
He said he hopes the camp next to Hassan Shami does not close.
“I have a certificate of release (from prison), everything is in order... But I can’t go back there,” he said of federal Iraq.
“If I go back it’s 20 years” in jail, he added, worried that he would be tried again in an Iraqi court.
Ali Abbas, spokesperson for Iraq’s migration ministry, said that those who committed crimes may indeed face trial after they leave the camps.
“No one can prevent justice from doing its job,” he said, claiming that their families would not face repercussions.
The government is working to ensure that families who return have access to basic services, Abbas added.
In recent months, Baghdad has repeatedly tried to set deadlines for Kurdistan to close the camps, even suing leaders of the autonomous region before finally opting for cooperation over coercion.
Imrul Islam of the Norwegian Refugee Council said displacement camps by definition are supposed to be temporary, but warned against their hasty closure.
When people return, “you need schools. You need hospitals. You need roads. And you need working markets that provide opportunities for livelihoods,” he said.
Without these, he said, many families who try to resettle in their home towns would end up returning to the camps.


Even with Lebanon truce deal, Israel will operate against Hezbollah: Netanyahu

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks in Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, in Jerusalem, November 18, 2024. (Reuters)
Updated 18 November 2024
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Even with Lebanon truce deal, Israel will operate against Hezbollah: Netanyahu

  • Netanyahu also said there was no evidence that Hezbollah would respect any ceasefire reached

JERUSALEM: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Monday that Israel will continue to operate militarily against the Iran-backed Lebanese armed movement Hezbollah even if a ceasefire deal is reached in Lebanon.
“The most important thing is not (the deal that) will be laid on paper,” Netanyahu told the Israeli parliament.
“We will be forced to ensure our security in the north (of Israel) and to systematically carry out operations against Hezbollah’s attacks... even after a ceasefire,” to keep the group from rebuilding, he said.
Netanyahu also said there was no evidence that Hezbollah would respect any ceasefire reached.
“We will not allow Hezbollah to return to the state it was in on October 6” 2023, the eve of the strike by its Palestinian ally Hamas into southern Israel, he said.
Hezbollah then began firing into northern Israel in support of Hamas, triggering exchanges with Israel that escalated into full-on war in late September this year.
Lebanon’s government has largely endorsed a US truce proposal to end the Israel-Hezbollah war and was preparing final comments before responding to Washington, a Lebanese official told AFP on Monday.
Israel insists that any truce deal must guarantee no further Hezbollah presence in the area bordering Israel.