Unending strife in Kurram while Pakistani state’s in the backseat

Tribal clashes in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Kurram District have left at least 49 dead and over 200 injured. The violence, which erupted on July 24 between the tribespeople of Boshehra and Maleekhel, has seen heavy weaponry being used to spread chaos. The average Pakistani has heard little of this conflict, but it is the continuation of a grim, long-running saga of tit-for-tat violence involving sectarian tensions, tribal hostilities and land disputes. 

The ongoing conflict began in 1961. The prevailing norm decrees that if a member of one sect is killed, the entire faction must retaliate and avenge them. Tensions peaked in 2007, with deadly attacks in April and November that year leading to the closure of the main Thall-Parachinar Road for four years. The 2008 Murree Agreement between the two sects failed to ease tensions permanently, and locals had to endure detours through Afghanistan to reach Peshawar until the road finally reopened in 2011.

The Musharraf dictatorship, which saw the worst of the conflict, was so preoccupied with its Machiavellian power plays that it did little or nothing to intervene. The situation escalated as the factions took the law into their own hands, and the state remained dormant, indifferent or complicit. All hell eventually broke loose. Once everyone was heavily armed, the state was told to take a backseat. Over the years, it had lost the people’s confidence and the power to enforce its authority. This trust has still not been earned back: even now, it will be tribal elders who will likely mediate a ceasefire and negotiate peace between the warring tribes, not the state itself. 

Geopolitical interests and local conflicts often intertwine in Kurram, making turmoil the norm and tranquility a distant reverie for its residents. 

- Syed Kaleem Imam

Kurram District was part of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) till 2018. It is spread over some 3,380 square kilometers in the Kohat Range. Sharing a 192km border with Afghanistan and home to about 615,372 people, it is right next to several militancy-afflicted districts within Pakistan. Known for its volatile sectarian demographics and fertile valleys rich in resources, it is a hotspot for religio-political meddling and hostile agencies. Its strategic importance is underscored by a critical border crossing at Pewar Kotal, about 105km from Kabul.

The proxy wars of Iran and the dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq first triggered the power struggle between the tribes. The conflict escalated after the assassination of Arif Hussain Al-Hussaini in Peshawar in August 1988. Subsequent clashes have further deepened the divide between the major tribes, like the Turi (Shia) and the Bangash and Mangal (both Sunni). Their vendetta is now shaped by political considerations and land disputes on top of sectarian strife, leaving the region perpetually on edge.

The district is divided into three ‘tehsils’ — Upper Kurram (Parachinar), Central Kurram (Sada), and Lower Kurram. Upper Kurram, notorious for smuggling, has four key border crossings – Gavi, Kharlachi, Borki, and Inzarki – of which only Kharlachi is currently functional. Central Kurram, the largest tehsil, has a history of hosting militant training centers and serving as a haven for the Taliban and Haqqani Network. Lower Kurram, with two border crossings (Sharko and Shahdanodand) to Khost, Afghanistan, is a smuggler’s paradise due to unfenced areas near Paloseen.

Geopolitical interests and local conflicts often intertwine in Kurram, making turmoil the norm and tranquility a distant reverie for its residents. It is a shame that, even today, the powers that be remain caught up in their political games, oblivious to the anarchy unfolding before them. The current situation seems like a perfect example for James C. Scott’s study in “Seeing Like a State” (1998), in which he noted that governments prioritize urban elite areas over rural regions, ignoring grievances and exploiting resources for ulterior gains. But for how long and at what cost?

There seems to be little realization that the viciousness seen in Kurram has become one of the region’s most troubling phenomena. Locally, trust deficits, property rows, sectarian divides, inflammatory slogans, extremist clerics, radicalized youth, educational deficiencies, and infiltration from Orakzai, Khyber and North Waziristan, combined with an abundance of weapons, are contributing to the explosive situation. Nationally, the fallout of Zia’s religiosity drive, the presence of extremist organizations, and government carelessness have played a significant role. Internationally, the influx of Afghan refugees and massive caches of weapons, as well as the fallout from Iran have added fuel to the fire. 

The conflict in Kurram endures also due to toxic propaganda on social media in the absence of a proper state narrative. Non-kinetic counter-terrorism measures have never been tried, such as developing the area and giving it genuine national-level attention. The promises of the National Action Plan (NAP) remain unfulfilled. Slow resolution of property disagreements by the revenue administration and law enforcement’s inability to disarm factions have helped prolong the conflict. Administrative lethargy and ineffective law enforcement have exacerbated the situation.

To counter militancy in the district, the government must expedite the resolution of land disputes, pacify sectarian differences, and prioritize regional development. After all, the general lawlessness has given the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) a free pass. If only the state could act swiftly, perhaps peace wouldn’t seem like such a far-fetched dream.

- The writer holds a doctorate in politics and international relations and has served as a federal secretary and inspector-general of police. He tweets @KaleemImam.