Pakistan’s diplomatic ad hocism

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Pakistan’s diplomatic ad hocism

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In Pakistan, banality is in abundance when it comes to international relations. Not only is the country seriously suffering because of a lack of clarity regarding its national interests but also because it does not know how to realize them. As a former diplomat, I experienced at close quarters how decisions are made. The irony is that Pakistan’s decision-makers by and large remain too casual and unconcerned. They won’t even acknowledge systemic deficiencies, much less address them.

From relations with the United States to the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, confusion abounds on almost all fronts. Pakistan’s first National Security Policy that was unveiled in January 2022, while rightly putting an emphasis on a people-centric approach, oversimplified the dilemmas of pursuing geo-economic and geo-strategic interests especially in an extremely challenging milieu. 

On other fronts, there is constant contradiction in Pakistan’s decision-making machinery. For example, the country took a certain position in response to India’s unilateral annexation of the parts of Jammu and Kashmir under its administration in August 2019. On the one hand, Islamabad declared that there could be no bilateral engagement with India until the special status of Jammu and Kashmir was restored, while on the other hand, Pakistan was conducting back-channel diplomacy that resulted in a ceasefire agreement in February 2021 along the Line of Control. 

It is not that well-defined mechanisms do not exist; there is a persistent tendency to bypass them. Resultantly, almost all institutions in Pakistan are facing decadence.

- Abdul Basit

Not only that, Pakistan’s then Commerce Minister openly spoke about the necessity of resuming trade with India, emphatically suggesting that that was in Pakistan’s own interest and hence must not be linked to the Kashmir dispute. This aroused enormous public ire and the minister quickly backtracked. 

On Afghanistan too, Pakistan messed up. There is no dearth of conflicting statements by Islamabad since the Taliban took over in August 2021. Kabul is a brotherly and hostile country at the same time. In his address on the occasion of the Independence Day of Pakistan at the Kakul Academy, army chief General Asim Munir reached out to the Taliban in most appropriate words, seeking their cooperation in “our mutual interest” while the very next day, Pakistan’s Special Representative for Afghanistan yet again spoke to Kabul in a tone and tenor suffused with condescension and admonition.

I strongly feel Islamabad lacks clarity about what is in its national interest. Are its relations with China more important or can the US be more helpful in achieving its long-term geo-strategic and geo-economic interests? Is CPEC a “game changer” for the country or is Pakistan being exploited by China? Should Pakistan reconcile with the revocation of the special status of Indian-administered Kashmir and move on, including by giving India overland access to Afghanistan? Is Kabul better for Pakistan under the Taliban? And what kind of relationship should Islamabad have with Russia?

All these and many other questions arise primarily because the myriad internal variables continue to stymie efficient and effective decision making. It is not that well-defined mechanisms do not exist; there is a persistent tendency to bypass them. Resultantly, almost all institutions in Pakistan are facing decadence. Making sound policies and then executing them is becoming increasingly challenging.

Often too has Pakistan embarrassed itself and created ill-feelings even among some of its most traditional friendly allies. When foreign policy matters are handled casually then such outcomes become unavoidable.

It goes without saying that on some critical issues, national consensus does exist, including on the country’s nuclear program, China, Kashmir and Palestine. However, this does not imply there is no room available for tactical maneuvering. 

But the space for tactical adjustments is best utilized when long-term strategic objectives are clear and bottom lines are well defined. It is not essential to make everything public. It was an unpardonable mistake on the part of President Pervez Musharraf to declare publicly that Pakistan was ready go beyond its stated position on Kashmir. Smart diplomacy must negotiate rather than exhibit flexibility prematurely and unilaterally and that too, in the public domain.

Pakistan needs to get its act together and the sooner the better. Otherwise, it will continue to be waffling and resorting to ad-hoc behavior. Serious limitations of all sorts notwithstanding, Pakistan is an important country located strategically. It must think hard and long with a view to harmonizing its diplomacy. After 77 years of independence, it is time for Pakistan to finally come of age.

- Abdul Basit is President, Margalla International Relations Institute, Islamabad. He was previously Pakistan's ambassador to Germany and Pakistan High Commissioner for India. Twitter: @abasitpak1

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