Israel’s strike on Ain Al-Hilweh camp stirs up grim memories of Lebanon’s Palestinian refugees

Residents and rescue teams inspect the damage following an overnight Israeli airstrike on the Ain al-Helweh camp. (AFP)
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Updated 15 October 2024
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Israel’s strike on Ain Al-Hilweh camp stirs up grim memories of Lebanon’s Palestinian refugees

  • On Oct. 1, an airstrike at the home of an Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades commander leveled four buildings and claimed five lives
  • Since the 1970s, the sprawling refugee camp has been the turf of militant Palestinian factions with a history of violent clashes

LONDON: Israel’s military campaign against the Iran-backed Hezbollah militia in Lebanon has not left the country’s largest Palestinian refugee camp, Ain Al-Hilweh, unscathed, dredging up grim memories of previous attacks and convulsions of violence in the nation’s camps.

On Oct. 1, an airstrike, which leveled four buildings and killed at least five people, marked the first time Ain Al-Hilweh had been targeted since October last year when cross-border exchanges between Israel and Hezbollah began.

The strike was reportedly aimed at the home of Munir Al-Maqdah, a commander in the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades — a coalition of armed groups associated with Fatah, one of the major Palestinian political parties. Early reports indicated that Al-Maqdah was not home at the time, and his condition and whereabouts remain unknown.

Located 3 km southeast of the coastal city of Sidon, Ain Al-Hilweh occupies approximately 170 acres, or 688,000 square meters. According to UN figures, it is the most densely populated camp in Lebanon, housing more than 55,000 people as of 2023.




Smoke rises following an Israeli air strike on the village of Deir Qanoun. (AFP)


The camp was established by the International Committee of the Red Cross in 1948 to shelter refugees, most of whom escaped northern Palestine after the Nakba — the mass displacement of Palestinians following the Arab-Israeli war.

Since its establishment, Ain Al-Hilweh has frequently been a target of Israeli assaults and a battleground for regional rivalries, including between Palestinian factions.

“In a nutshell, Ain Al-Hilweh is the largest camp with an ongoing battle for its control,” Nadim Shehadi, a Lebanese economist and political adviser, told Arab News.

Jasmin Lilian Diab, director of the Institute for Migration Studies at the Lebanese American University, said Ain Al-Hilweh “has long been a focal point for Palestinian resistance.”

She told Arab News: “The camp has evolved into a symbol of Palestinian resilience and resistance, not only against Israeli occupation but also in the broader struggle for Palestinian rights and self-determination.

“The significance of Ain Al-Hilweh lies in its role as a base for various Palestinian political factions and militant groups, including Fatah and others aligned with different political ideologies and resistance.”

In 1974, Israeli jets bombed seven Palestinian camps and villages in south Lebanon, including Ain Al-Hilweh, which suffered the heaviest bombardment. The bombing came in retaliation for an earlier attack by the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine on a school in Maalot, northern Israel.

Less than a decade later, in 1982, during the second invasion of Lebanon, Israel pounded the camp with airstrikes, leaving it almost fully destroyed. The attack took place following an attempt on the life of the Israeli ambassador in London.

Diab said the camp was “a target of Israeli military operations, particularly in the 1970s and 1980s, due to its association with the Palestine Liberation Organization and other militant groups that carried out attacks against Israel.

“The camp has also been a staging ground for armed resistance, drawing attention from both Israeli and Lebanese authorities,” she said.




Mourners attend a funeral for the victims of an Israeli airstrike in the Mount Lebanon village of Maaysra. (AFP)


Israel had justified its invasion of Lebanon in the 1980s on the grounds that Palestinian fighters operating near Israel’s northern border needed to be eliminated. However, after conducting its operations in the border region, Israeli troops advanced all the way to Beirut.

In the aftermath of the invasion, Yasser Arafat, the then-leader of the PLO, was forced out of Beirut. Likewise, more than 2,000 Syrian troops pulled out of the capital, having been stationed there since 1976, when President Hafez Assad intervened to prevent the defeat of his Maronite Christian allies in the civil war.

“After the Israeli invasion and the evacuation of Yasser Arafat from Beirut, there was a gradual attempt by pro-Syrian Palestinian factions to take over and get rid of what was left of Fatah and the PLO,” said Shehadi.

“Syria was finishing the job started by Israel of eradicating the PLO and later, it seems that Hezbollah took over that job. The red line between Syria and Israel was at Zahrani just south of Sidon, below which no Syrian presence was tolerated.

INNUMBERS

• 489,292 Registered Palestinian refugees in Lebanon as of 2023.

• 31,400 Palestinians displaced to Lebanon from Syria since 2011.

(Source: UNRWA)

“The War of the Camps was part of the (broader) battle for Syrian control (in Lebanon), leading to pro-Syrian factions gaining control north of Saida (Sidon), while Fatah and the PLO sought refuge in camps south of Saida, mainly in Rashidieh and Burj El-Shemali.”

The War of the Camps, which took place from 1985 to 1988 during the Lebanese civil war, was an extension of the political struggle between Syria and the PLO. Syria and its Lebanese ally, the Amal movement, sought to disarm Palestinian camps to prevent another Israeli invasion.

After Israeli forces began a phased withdrawal from Lebanon in February 1985, Amal took over West Beirut that April. Amal then besieged and later attacked the Palestinian camps in Beirut, including Sabra, Shatila, and Burj El-Barajneh.

Amal, supported by the government of President Assad, demanded that Palestinian camps relinquish their weapons and hand over security responsibilities to its ranks.

In 1986, the conflict in Beirut spilled over into Tyre and Sidon, where Amal also besieged the Palestinian refugee camps of Rashidieh, Mieh Mieh, and Ain Al-Hilweh and cut off aid, including food and medicines.

Seeking to pressure Amal to lift the siege on Rashidieh, Palestinian guerrillas attacked and captured the town of Maghdouche, an Amal stronghold close to Ain Al-Hilweh. The fighting intensified between Amal and Palestinian groups despite international calls for a ceasefire.




Mourners carry pictures of their relative, Hassan Fadel, who was killed on Saturday in an Israeli airstrike. (AP)

“Ain Al-Hilweh plays a crucial role in the complex relationship between Israel, Lebanon, and Palestinian factions, as well as in the broader Arab-Israeli conflict,” said Diab of the Institute for Migration Studies.

“The camp has also been implicated in regional rivalries, with different Palestinian and Islamist groups receiving backing from various state and non-state actors, further complicating its internal politics and drawing in regional powers.

“In this sense, Ain Al-Hilweh represents not only a physical space of resistance but also a microcosm of the larger Palestinian struggle for statehood, refugee rights, and regional geopolitical contestations.”

Notorious for its lawlessness, Ain Al-Hilweh was not only the site of conflicts with external parties but also a frequent hotspot for clashes between the various armed factions within the camp. “Over the years, it has been a point for internal conflicts between these factions,” said Diab.

In 1990, Fatah, then led by Arafat, gained control of the camp after three days of fighting with the Abu Nidal Organization, which had split from Fatah in 1974.

After the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, which engulfed the Yarmouk refugee camp in southern Damascus, thousands of Palestinians fled to Lebanon, many of them cramming into Ain Al-Hilweh.

By March 2014, more than 52,000 Palestinians displaced from Syria had sought shelter in Lebanon, according to UN figures.

With even more armed groups now residing in the camp, violence returned in 2017, when Palestinian factions and a Daesh-affiliated militant group, Fatah Al-Islam, engaged in fierce clashes.

Violence between the camp’s Fatah fighters and extremists broke out again in July 2023 and continued until September of that year, claiming at least 30 lives, leaving hundreds injured, damaging infrastructure, and forcing thousands to flee.

Palestinian officials had said street battles started after an unknown gunman tried to kill an Islamist militia leader, known as Mahmoud Khalil, but instead killed one of his companions.

On July 30, 2023, a top Fatah commander in the Palestinian National Security Forces, Abu Ashraf Al-Armoushi, and three of his companions were reportedly slain by Islamist militants.

As the fighting in the camp intensified and stray bullets hit residential buildings in Sidon, commandos from the Lebanese Army were deployed near the camp’s entrance.




A father and his daughter living in a shelter for displaced families wait to receive food aid from “Carneo”, a local restaurant in Beirut. (Reuters)

Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati condemned the clashes and called on “the Palestinian leadership to cooperate with the army to control the security situation and hand over those meddling with security to the Lebanese authorities.”

He also blamed outside forces for their “repeated attempts to use Lebanon” as a battleground for settling scores “at the expense of Lebanon and the Lebanese.”

The violence nevertheless resumed in September, with at least 10 people killed during five days of intense fighting.

Today, as Israel ramps up its assault across Lebanon, residents of the 12 official Palestinian camps in the country fear renewed violence — both from the outside and from within.

Palestinian refugees in Lebanon already experience extreme poverty and face severe restrictions on their movement, employment opportunities, and rights to education and healthcare.

More attacks on the camps, which could trigger fresh bouts of internal turmoil, are likely to worsen their predicament.

 


Netanyahu told US Israel willing to strike Iranian military targets, Washington Post reports

Updated 15 October 2024
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Netanyahu told US Israel willing to strike Iranian military targets, Washington Post reports

WASHINGTON: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has told the United States that Israel is willing to strike Iranian military targets and not nuclear or oil ones, the Washington Post reported on Monday, citing two officials familiar with the matter.

 


Sending a THAAD air defense system to Israel adds to strain on US Army forces

Updated 15 October 2024
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Sending a THAAD air defense system to Israel adds to strain on US Army forces

  • “Everybody wants US Army air defense forces,” Gen. Randy George, Army chief of staff, said Monday as he and Wormuth took questions from journalists at the Association of the US Army’s annual conference. “This is our most deployed formation”

WASHINGTON: The deployment of a US Terminal High Altitude Area Defense battery to Israel and roughly 100 soldiers to operate it will add to already difficult strains on the Army’s air defense forces and potential delays in modernizing its missile defense systems, Army leaders said Monday.
The service’s top two leaders declined to provide details on the deployment ordered by Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin over the weekend. But they spoke broadly about their concerns as the demand for THAAD and Patriot missile batteries grows because of the war in Ukraine and the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran-backed Hezbollah and Hamas militants.

A Palestinian man looks on next to the damage at the site of an Israeli strike on tents sheltering displaced people, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, at Al-Aqsa Martyrs hospital in Deir Al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, October 14, 2024. (REUTERS)

“The air defense, artillery community is the most stressed. They have the highest ‘optempo’ really of any part of the Army,” Army Secretary Christine Wormuth said, using a phrase meaning the pace of operations. “We’re just constantly trying to be as disciplined as we can, and give Secretary Austin the information he needs to accurately assess the strain on the force when he’s considering future operational deployments.”
Wormuth said the Army has to be careful about “what we take on. But of course, in a world this volatile, you know, sometimes we have to do what we have to do.”
The Pentagon announced the THAAD deployment Sunday, saying it was authorized at the direction of President Joe Biden. US officials said the system will be moved from a location in the continental United States to Israel and that it will take a number of days for it and the soldiers to arrive. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss details of troop movements.

Paramedics with the Lebanese Red Cross transport a body unearthed from the rubble at the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted the northern Lebanese village of Aito on October 14, 2024. (AFP)

The move adds to what have been growing tensions within the Defense Department about what weapons the US can afford to send to Ukraine, Israel or elsewhere and the resulting risks to America’s military readiness and its ability to protect the nation.
“Everybody wants US Army air defense forces,” Gen. Randy George, Army chief of staff, said Monday as he and Wormuth took questions from journalists at the Association of the US Army’s annual conference. “This is our most deployed formation.”
The decision to send the THAAD came as Israel is widely believed to be preparing a military response to Iran’s Oct. 1 attack, when it fired roughly 180 missiles into Israel. Israel already has a multilayered air defense system, but a Hezbollah drone attack on an army base Sunday killed four soldiers and severely wounded seven others, underscoring the potential need for greater protection.

A Palestinian boy gestures as people check the destruction following an Israeli army strike around tents for displaced people inside the walls of Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, on October 14, 2024 amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)

Israeli forces and Hezbollah fighters in Lebanon have been clashing since Oct. 8, 2023, when the Lebanese militant group began firing rockets over the border in support of its ally Hamas in Gaza. The Sunday drone attack was Hezbollah’s deadliest strike since Israel launched its ground invasion of Lebanon nearly two weeks ago.
Since the THAAD deployment only involves about 100 soldiers, it won’t add a tremendous amount of additional strain on air defense forces, Wormuth said at the conference.
But it adds to the pace of their deployments. Since the frenetic pace of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars has subsided, the military has tried to ensure that service members have sufficient time at home to train and reset between deployments.

The grandmother of Palestinian boy Yaman Al-Zaanin, who was born and killed amid the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict and lost his life in an Israeli strike on a school-turned shelter, according to medics, reacts while holding his body at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir Al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, October 14, 2024. (REUTERS)

Shrinking that so-called dwell time can have an impact on the Army’s ability to keep good soldiers in the force.
“They’re very good, but obviously deploying for a year and coming back for a year and deploying for a year — it’s tough to do for anybody,” George said.
He said the Army is looking at a range of ways to limit the impact on recruiting and retention, including growing the force and modernizing the systems so that it takes fewer soldiers to operate them.
But the repeated deployments makes it difficult to get the systems into the depots where they can be upgraded.
As a result, Wormuth said, Army leaders are trying to make their arguments as clear as possible when combatant commanders go to Austin and ask for another Patriot system in the Middle East or another one for Ukraine.
“We need to be able to bring these units home to be able to go through that modernization process,” she said. “So we’re trying to lay that out for Secretary Austin so that he can weigh those risks — essentially current versus future risks — as he makes recommendations to the president about whether to send the Patriot here or there.”

 


The UN says over 400,000 children in Lebanon have been displaced in 3 weeks by war

Updated 15 October 2024
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The UN says over 400,000 children in Lebanon have been displaced in 3 weeks by war

  • More than 2,300 people in Lebanon have been killed in Israeli strikes, nearly 75 percent of them over the last month, according to the Health Ministry

BEIRUT: More than 400,000 children in Lebanon have been displaced in the past three weeks, a top official with the UN children’s agency said Monday, warning of a “lost generation” in the small country grappling with multiple crises and now in the middle of war.
Israel has escalated its campaign against the Lebanon-based Hezbollah militant group, including launching a ground invasion, after a year of exchanges of fire during its war with Hamas in Gaza.
The fighting in Lebanon has driven 1.2 million people from their homes, most of them fleeing to Beirut and elsewhere in the north over the past three weeks since the escalation.
Ted Chaiban, UNICEF’s deputy executive director for humanitarian actions, has visited schools that have been turned into shelters to host displaced families.
“What struck me is that this war is three weeks old and so many children have been affected,” Chaiban told The Associated Press in Beirut.
“As we sit here today, 1.2 million children are deprived of education. Their public schools have either been rendered inaccessible, have been damaged by the war or are being used as shelters. The last thing this country needs, in addition to everything else it has gone through, is the risk of a lost generation.”
While some Lebanese private schools are still operating, the public school system has been badly affected by the war, along with the country’s most vulnerable people such as Palestinian and Syrian refugees.
″What I’m worried about is that we have hundreds of thousands of Lebanese, Syrian, Palestinian children that are at risk of losing their learning,” Chaiban said.
More than 2,300 people in Lebanon have been killed in Israeli strikes, nearly 75 percent of them over the last month, according to the Health Ministry. In the last three weeks, more than 100 children were killed and over 800 were wounded, Chaiban said.
He said displaced children are crammed into overcrowded shelters where three or four families can live in a classroom separated by a plastic sheet, and where 1,000 people can share 12 toilets. Not all of them work.
Many displaced families found have set up tents along roads or on public beaches.
Most displaced children have experienced so much violence, including the sounds of shelling or gunshots, that they cower at any loud noise, Chaiban said.
Then there is “evacuation orders upon evacuation orders. We’re at the beginning, and already there’s been a profound impact,” he said.
The escalation has also put over 100 primary health care facilities out of service, while 12 hospitals are either no longer working or partially functional.
Water infrastructure has also come under attack. In the last three weeks, 26 water stations providing water to almost 350,000 people have been damaged, Chaiban said. UNICEF is working with local authorities to repair them.
He called for civilian infrastructure to be protected. And he appealed for a ceasefire in Lebanon and in Gaza, saying there needs to be political will and a realization that the conflict cannot be resolved through military means.
“What we must do is make sure that this stops, that this madness stops, that there’s a ceasefire before we get to the kind of destruction and pain and suffering and death that we’ve seen in Gaza,” Chaiban said.
With so many needs, he said, the emergency response appeal for $108 million in Lebanon has only been 8 percent funded three weeks into the escalation.

 


Funeral service held in Iraq for Iranian general killed with Hezbollah chief

Updated 15 October 2024
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Funeral service held in Iraq for Iranian general killed with Hezbollah chief

  • Israel said it carried out the Beirut strike but did not comment on Haniyeh’s death in Tehran, where he had attended the inauguration of the Islamic republic’s new president

KARBALA, Iraq: The funeral procession for Iranian Revolutionary Guard General Abbas Nilforoushan, who was killed in an Israeli air strike alongside Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah, began in Iraq on Monday, an AFP photographer saw.
Nilforoushan, a top commander in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Quds Force foreign operations arm, was killed on September 27 alongside Nasrallah in the strike on south Beirut.
The Guard Corps said on Friday that Nilforoushan’s body had been recovered from the site of the strike on the Lebanese capital’s southern suburbs, a Hezbollah stronghold.
His body was taken from Beirut to the central Iraqi city of Karbala, considered holy by Shia Muslims.
There it was taken to the shrine of Imam Husayn where a representative of Iraq’s top Shia cleric, Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani, led funeral prayers before a massive crowd.
Mourners chanted “death to Israel” and brandished the flags of Iran, Hezbollah and the Iraqi Shia Kataib Hezbollah armed group.
The funeral cortege then moved on to the nearby Al-Abbas shrine before leaving for another Shia holy city, Najaf.
Nilforoushan’s body is due to be sent to the Iranian holy city of Mashhad, according to Sepah news agency, which is affiliated to the Revolutionary Guard Corps.
Another funeral ceremony is due to take place in Tehran’s Imam Hossein Square on Tuesday, while Nilforoushan then will be buried in his home town of Isfahan in central Iran, Sepah said.
On October 1, Iran fired some 200 missiles at Israel in retaliation for the killings of Nasrallah, Nilforoushan and Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in late July.
Israel said it carried out the Beirut strike but did not comment on Haniyeh’s death in Tehran, where he had attended the inauguration of the Islamic republic’s new president.
Israel has vowed to retaliate for the Iranian missile attack, with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant saying the response would be “deadly, precise, and surprising.”
 

 


Hezbollah’s drones are a fierce and evasive threat to Israel

Updated 15 October 2024
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Hezbollah’s drones are a fierce and evasive threat to Israel

  • The video shows drones on launchers and at the end displays a caption that reads: “Our capabilities are intact”

TEL AVIV, Israel: One of the worst mass casualty strikes on Israel in a year of war came not from dozens of Iranian ballistic missiles nor the repeated barrages of rocket fire launched by Hamas and Hezbollah. Instead, it was a single drone.
The unmanned aerial vehicle, laden with explosives, evaded Israel’s multilayered air-defense system and slammed into a mess hall at a military training camp deep inside Israel, killing four soldiers and wounding dozens.
It’s the latest achievement for Hezbollah’s drone fleet and has shined a light on Israel’s struggle over the past year of war to knock down unmanned aircraft incoming from as far away as Yemen, Iraq and Iran.
Over the years, Israel has built up its aerial defense array to provide broad protection against short-range rocket fire and medium- and long-range missiles, although experts caution it is not airtight. While the system has taken down drones repeatedly, many have penetrated Israel’s airspace and sidestepped its defenses, in some cases with deadly results.
The drone traversed Israeli airspace unimpeded
On Sunday evening, reports emerged of a mass casualty event about 65 kilometers (40 miles) from the Lebanese border. A drone had slammed into a mess hall filled with troops eating dinner, according to Israeli media, killing four soldiers and wounding 67 people.
Minutes earlier, air raid sirens had blared in northern Israel as the aircraft flew overhead. But no sirens sounded at the base, giving the soldiers no advance warning and indicating that the drone may have fallen off Israel’s radar.
An Israeli security official said Israel was still investigating how the drone made it through Israel’s air defenses. A pair of drones initially entered Israeli airspace, but while one was shot down, the other one continued to its target.
Hezbollah, which said the attack was in response to Israeli strikes in Lebanon, said the drone was “able to penetrate the Israeli air defense radars without being detected” and reach its target. It claimed it had outsmarted Israel’s air defenses by simultaneously launching dozens of missiles and “squadrons” of drones simultaneously.
It was the second deadly drone strike in just two weeks. Earlier this month, a drone launched from Iraq killed two Israeli soldiers and wounded roughly two dozen, according to Israeli media. On Friday, during a major Jewish holiday, a Hezbollah drone slammed into a nursing home in central Israel, causing damage.
“We already have six dead in the past 10 days from drones. That’s too much,” said Ran Kochav, a former head of the Israeli military’s aerial defense command.
Drones, he said, “have become a real threat.”
Drones are harder to detect and track than rockets or missiles
Drones, or UAVs, are unmanned aircraft that can be operated from afar. Drones can enter, surveil and attack enemy territory more discreetly than missiles and rockets. Israel has a formidable arsenal of drones, capable of carrying out spy missions and attacks. It has developed a drone capable of reaching archenemy Iran, some 1500 kilometers (1,000 miles) away.
But Israel’s enemies have caught Israel off-guard on a number of occasions over the past year, often with deadly consequences. In July, a drone launched from Yemen traveled some 270 kilometers (160 miles) from Israel’s southern tip, all the way to Tel Aviv, slamming into a downtown building and killing one person without it having been intercepted.
The Israeli security official said drones are harder to detect for a number of reasons: They fly slowly and often include plastic components, having a weaker thermal footprint with radar systems than powerful rockets and missiles. The trajectory is also harder to track. Drones can have roundabout flight paths, can come from any direction, fly lower to the ground and — because they are much smaller than rockets — can be mistaken for birds.
The official spoke on condition of anonymity because the investigation into the mess hall strike was still underway.
Kochav said that Israel spent years focusing on strengthening its air defense systems to improve protection against rockets and missiles. But drones were not seen as a top priority. During the current fighting, that has meant Israel’s ability to detect and intercept drones is not as successful as its capabilities in the face of rockets and missiles, Kochav said.
Hezbollah’s drone program receives support from Iran
Hezbollah began using Iranian-made drones after Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon in 2000 and sent the first reconnaissance Mirsad drone over Israel’s airspace in 2004. Hezbollah’s drone program still receives substantial assistance from Iran, and the UAVs are believed to be assembled by experts of the militant group in Lebanon.
Drones have become an “Iranian-inspired, strategic system” for Hezbollah, according to Tal Beeri, the director of research for The Alma Research and Education Center, a think tank that studies Hezbollah and Israel’s north. The militant group has launched roughly 1,500 surveillance and attack drones since it began striking Israel in October 2023, according to the group’s count.
The attack drones, which Beeri said often hit civilian targets, have a payload of 10 kilograms (22 lbs) of explosives and can fly hundreds of kilometers (miles). He said Hezbollah in May used for the first and only time a drone that was able to fire an anti-tank missile and that it may possess more.
Hezbollah has also used drones to erode Israel’s air-defense capabilities by slamming them into the very batteries and infrastructure meant to take them down. Earlier this year, Hezbollah said it used an Ababil explosive drone to down Israel’s Sky Dew observation balloon, a component of its aerial defense.
On Monday evening, Hezbollah released a video showing some of its militants in a warehouse full of drones. The video shows drones on launchers and at the end displays a caption that reads: “Our capabilities are intact.”
Israel says it is working to tackle the threat
On Monday, on a visit to the training camp hit by the drone, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant pledged to learn from the strike and said Israel was “concentrating significant efforts in developing solutions” to tackle the drone threat, without elaborating.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also visited the base and soldiers injured in the attack, noting that Israel had paid “a painful price.”
Kochav said there were ways to combat the drones that could be considered. Detection capabilities could be expanded to include acoustic radars to pick up on the sound of the drone’s engine or electro-optics, which could allow Israeli surveillance to better identify them. He said rockets, fighter jets and helicopters could be deployed for interception, and that electronic warfare could be used to overtake the drones and divert them.
“We were busy in recent years ... and unmanned (aerial vehicles) was not a top priority,” he said. “The results unfortunately are not good.”