Frankly Speaking: Is it over for Hezbollah?

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Updated 21 October 2024
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Frankly Speaking: Is it over for Hezbollah?

  • Middle East Institute Senior Fellow Firas Maksad says Lebanese militia wagered nation’s fate on Gaza war’s outcome
  • Says ongoing Israel-Hezbollah war’s domestic toll on country still suffering from financial collapse is “tremendous“

DUBAI: Lebanon is heading for an extended conflict as Israel’s ground invasion enters its fourth week, raising concerns of deeper regional instability. Sounding this warning on the Arab News current affairs show “Frankly Speaking,” Firas Maksad, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, said the fighting could last far longer than initially anticipated.

“Unfortunately, we are looking at weeks, maybe months, of conflict ahead,” he said.

The clashes between Israeli forces and the Iran-backed Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah have destabilized a country already grappling with economic collapse and political dysfunction.

Despite suffering heavy losses, particularly among its leadership, Hezbollah is far from defeated. “It’s certainly not game over. Hezbollah has been significantly weakened. It’s on its back foot,” Maksad said. “Hezbollah is fighting in a more decentralized way right now. We see that on the border. Their fighters are still … putting up a fight there.”

Israel sent troops and tanks into southern Lebanon on Oct. 1 in an escalation of the Israel-Hezbollah conflict, a spillover from the Israel-Hamas war that has been raging since Oct. 7 last year in Gaza.

It followed a series of major attacks on Hezbollah in September that degraded its capabilities and devastated its leadership, beginning with explosions of its communication devices.

This was followed by an Israeli aerial bombing campaign against Hezbollah throughout Lebanon, culminating in the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the militia’s firebrand leader, in an airstrike in Dahiyeh, south of Beirut, on Sept. 7.

According to Maksad, Hezbollah’s fragmented central command has left it increasingly reliant on Iranian support. “Hezbollah’s central command is increasingly likely to come under direct Iranian management and control of the IRGC, the Iranian Revolutionary Guards,” he told Katie Jensen, the host of “Frankly Speaking.”

“Nasrallah had a margin of maneuver because of his role and stature in the community but also at a regional level, given the group’s involvement in Syria, Iraq, Yemen. That’s now gone. That very much then opens the way for more direct Iranian control, commanding control of Hezbollah in the months ahead.”

Maksad said the general sentiment in Lebanon, and even among Hezbollah’s own support base, is that the Iranian level of support has been at the very least disappointing.

“Public sentiment is one thing and the reality is sometimes another. Iran has sort of always showed some level of support to Hezbollah but has not been willing to stick its neck on the line, so to speak,” he said.

“It fights through its Arab proxies. It has a very clear aversion to be directly involved in a conflict with Israel because of its technological and military inferiority.”




Maksad, appearing on Frankly Speaking, highlighted a dire humanitarian situation, pointing to the more than one million internally displaced people who have fled from Hezbollah-controlled areas in southern Lebanon. (AN Photo)

Maksad highlighted the dire humanitarian situation in Lebanon, pointing to the more than one million internally displaced people who have fled from Hezbollah-controlled areas in southern Lebanon.

“About one-quarter of the population is under evacuation orders from the Israeli military,” he said. “The domestic toll for a relatively weak country suffering still from the weight of an unprecedented economic collapse in 2019, where most people lost their life savings in the banks, is tremendous.”

Maksad said the displacement has heightened sectarian tensions, as those displaced from pro-Hezbollah areas have moved into regions less sympathetic to the group.

“It does not bode well longer term for Lebanon, and the longer that this conflict drags, the more we have to (be concerned) about the bubbling of tensions and the instability that that might result in,” he said.

“Hezbollah has essentially wagered the country’s fate on (the outcome of the war) in Gaza and the fate of Hamas and its leaders,” he said.

Maksad also discussed the broader geopolitical implications of the conflict, suggesting that Israel is unlikely to engage in a long-term occupation of southern Lebanon.

“The Israelis fully understand the disadvantages of a lengthy occupation,” he said, recalling the heavy toll it took on the Israeli military when they last occupied Lebanon, a presence that ended in 2000.

“What I keep hearing is that Israel is looking to mop up Hezbollah infrastructure, tunnels and otherwise along the border, perhaps maybe even occupy, for a short period of time, the key villages, because the topography of south Lebanon is such that so many of these border villages are overlooking Israel and they want to take the higher ground.”

Having said that, Maksad predicted that Israel would pursue a diplomatic process, possibly through a new security arrangement based on UN Security Council Resolution 1701, after dealing with Hezbollah’s infrastructure.

Hezbollah’s alignment with the cause of Hamas and other Palestinian militant groups has alienated significant segments of the Lebanese population, further straining the country’s already delicate sectarian fabric. The political leadership in Lebanon is consequently under immense pressure.

Maksad views Nabih Berri, the Shiite speaker of Lebanon’s parliament, as a crucial player in mediating the crisis. However, at 86 years old, his ability to navigate such a complex situation is in question.




Maksad told host Katie Jensen that he views Nabih Berri, the Shiite speaker of Lebanon’s parliament, as a crucial player in mediating the crisis. (AN Photo)

“He can’t do it alone,” Maksad said, noting that other key figures, such as Druze leader Walid Jumblatt and Christian political leader Samir Geagea, will need to play constructive roles too. While acknowledging that Najib Mikati, the caretaker prime minister, is also a key player, he noted that since the assassination in 2005 of Rafik Hariri, the former prime minister, “there’s been a void in the Sunni community and it’s been hard to replace that.”

Maksad remarked that Berri, Jumblatt and Geagea were all around during the civil war in the 1980s and are still active players on the Lebanese political scene.

“They have long memories. They remember in 1982 when (Israel’s defense minister) Ariel Sharon initially announced a limited operation into Lebanon and then ended up invading all the way to Beirut, upending the political system, facilitating the election of a pro-Western president,” he said.

But very quickly Iran and Syria launched their comeback, assassinated Bachir Gemayel, the president at the time, and by 1985 had pushed the Israelis all the way back to the south. “Iran and Hezbollah have time  … they tend to be persistent and they have strategic patience,” Maksad said. “Berri and others remember that. So, they’re going to be moving very slowly, and they’re going to be taking their cues from the regional capitals of influence.”

Recent developments in the Middle East, particularly the killing by Israel on Oct. 16 of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar in Gaza, represent what Maksad describes as “a potential fork in the road.”

The killing could either escalate tensions across the region or serve as a turning point, allowing Israel to seek a diplomatic solution, according to Maksad.

“It can open up a diplomatic process where maybe Netanyahu can then reclaim the mantle of ‘Mr. Security,’ having killed Sinwar, and then begin to seriously negotiate a swap that would see the Israeli hostages released. And we all know that a ceasefire in Lebanon was premised on a diplomatic outcome in a ceasefire in Gaza. And, then, arguably, Lebanon can begin to move in that direction,” he said.

However, Iran is on “a completely separate track” and the Middle East could be in the midst of a “multi-stage conflict.”

Maksad added: “Once we get the past the Nov. 5 (US election) day, maybe Netanyahu will have a much freer hand for a second round of attacks that can then maybe take a toll on (Iran’s) nuclear infrastructure and the oil facilities in Iran. And then that opens up a Pandora’s box. So, we’re continuing to be in a very uncertain period for not only Gaza and Lebanon, but for Iran and the region at large.”

Discussing the stances of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states on the Middle East conflicts, Maksad said that these countries are understandably hedging their foreign policy priorities and relations.

“There’s been questions in recent years about the US security commitment to the GCC region, given an increasingly isolationist trend in the US, and talk about ending forever wars,” he said.

“That has rightfully caused countries like Saudi Arabia and others to want to diversify their foreign policy options. I think this is part of a broader strategic approach that the Kingdom has taken. I don’t see any significant changes yet, except that the war in Gaza and now Lebanon, the longer that drags on, the less likely that we’re going to see any progress on normalization with Israel.”

 


At least 10 killed in Israeli strikes on Gaza, medics say

Updated 1 min 33 sec ago
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At least 10 killed in Israeli strikes on Gaza, medics say

  • In a separate incident, five journalists were killed when their vehicle was struck in the vicinity of Al-Awda hospital

At least 10 people were killed and more than a dozen wounded in Israeli strikes on Gaza early on Thursday, medics with the Gaza health authorities said.
Five people were killed and 20 wounded in an Israeli airstrike on a house in Gaza City’s Zeitoun neighborhood, the medics reported. They warned the death toll could rise as many remained trapped under the rubble.
In a separate incident, five journalists were killed when their vehicle was struck in the vicinity of Al-Awda hospital in Nuseirat in central Gaza, the enclave’s health authorities said. The journalists worked for the Al-Quds Al-Youm television channel.
Palestinian media and local reporters said the vehicle was marked as a media van and was used by journalists to report from inside the hospital and Nuseirat camp.
There was no immediate Israeli comment on the reported strikes.
On Wednesday, Palestinian militant group Hamas and Israel traded blame over their failure to conclude a ceasefire agreement despite progress reported by both sides in past days.


Clashes between Islamists now in power in Syria and Assad’s supporters kill 6 fighters

Updated 26 December 2024
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Clashes between Islamists now in power in Syria and Assad’s supporters kill 6 fighters

  • Syria’s transition has been surprisingly smooth but it’s only been a few weeks since Assad fled the country and his administration and forces melted away

DAMASCUS, Syria: Clashes between Islamists who took over Syria and supporters of ousted President Bashar Assad’s government killed six Islamic fighters on Wednesday and wounded others, according to a British-based war monitor.
The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said the fighters were killed while trying to arrest a former official in Assad’s government, accused of issuing execution orders and arbitrary rulings against thousands of prisoners. The fighters were from Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, or HTS, which led the stunning offensive that toppled Assad earlier this month.
Syria’s transition has been surprisingly smooth but it’s only been a few weeks since Assad fled the country and his administration and forces melted away. The insurgents who ousted Assad are rooted in fundamentalist Islamist ideology, and though they have vowed to create a pluralist system, it isn’t clear how or whether they plan to share power.
Since Assad’s fall, dozens of Syrians have been killed in acts of revenge, according to activists and monitors, the vast majority of them from the minority Alawite community, an offshoot of Shiite Islam that Assad belongs to.
In the capital, Damascus, Alawite protesters scuffled with Sunni counter-protesters and gunshots were heard. The Associated Press could not confirm details of the shooting.
Alawite protests also took place along the coast of Syria, in the city of Homs and the Hama countryside. Some called for the release of soldiers from the former Syrian army now imprisoned by the HTS. At least one protester was killed and five were wounded in Homs by HTS forces suppressing the demonstration, said the Syrian Observatory. In response to the protests, HTS imposed a curfew from 6 p.m. until 8am.
The Alawite protests were apparently in part sparked by an online video showing the burning of an Alawite shrine. The interim authorities insisted the video was old and not a recent incident.
Sectarian violence has erupted in bursts since Assad’s ouster but nothing close to the level feared after nearly 14 years of civil war that killed an estimated half-million people. The war fractured Syria, creating millions of refugees and displacing tens of thousands throughout the country.
This week, some Syrians who were forcibly displaced, started trickling home, trying to rebuild their lives. Shocked by the devastation, many found that little remains of their houses.
In the northwestern Idlib region, residents were repairing shops and sealing damaged windows on Tuesday, trying to bring back a sense of normalcy.
The city of Idlib and much of the surrounding province has for years been under control of the HTS, led by Ahmad Al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammed Al-Golani, once aligned with Al-Qaeda, but has been the scene of relentless attacks by the government forces.
Hajjah Zakia Daemessaid, who was forcibly displaced during the war, said coming back to her house in the Idlib countryside was bitter-sweet.
“My husband and I spent 43 years of hard work saving money to build our home, only to find that all of it has gone to waste,” said the 62-year-old.
In the dusty neighborhoods, cars drove by with luggage strapped on top. People stood idly on the streets or sat in empty coffee shops.
In Damascus, Syria’s new authorities raided warehouses on Wednesday, confiscating drugs such as Captagon and cannabis, used by Assad’s forces. A million Captagon pills and hundreds of kilograms (pounds) of cannabis were set ablaze, the interim authorities said.


Turkiye warns Kurdish militia in Syria ‘will be buried’ if they do not lay down arms

Updated 25 December 2024
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Turkiye warns Kurdish militia in Syria ‘will be buried’ if they do not lay down arms

  • Following Assad’s departure, Ankara has repeatedly insisted that the Kurdish YPG militia must disband, asserting that the group has no place in Syria’s future

ANKARA: Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said on Wednesday that Kurdish militants in Syria will either lay down their weapons or “be buried,” amid hostilities between Turkiye-backed Syrian fighters and the militants since the fall of Bashar Assad this month.

Following Assad’s departure, Ankara has repeatedly insisted that the Kurdish YPG militia must disband, asserting that the group has no place in Syria’s future. The change in Syria’s leadership has left the country’s main Kurdish factions on the back foot.

“The separatist murderers will either bid farewell to their weapons, or they will be buried in Syrian lands along with their weapons,” Erdogan told lawmakers from his ruling AK Party in parliament.

“We will eradicate the terrorist organization that is trying to weave a wall of blood between us and our Kurdish siblings,” he added.

Turkiye views the Kurdish YPG militia — the main component of the US-allied Syrian Democratic Forces — as an extension of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party militia, known as the PKK, which has waged an insurgency against the Turkish state since 1984.

The PKK is designated a terrorist organization by Turkiye, the US and the European Union. Ankara has repeatedly called on its NATO ally Washington and others to stop supporting the YPG.

Earlier, Turkiye’s Defense Ministry said the armed forces had killed 21 YPG-PKK militants in northern Syria and Iraq.


Israeli airstrike in Bekaa shakes ceasefire 29 days after it came into effect

Updated 25 December 2024
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Israeli airstrike in Bekaa shakes ceasefire 29 days after it came into effect

  • The Israeli army claimed that “an Israeli fighter jet attacked a terrorist cell in the Bekaa”

BEIRUT: For the first time since the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah came into effect on Nov. 27, Israel breached the agreement deep inside Lebanese territory.

In the early hours of Wednesday, an Israeli warplane struck the town of Taraya near Baalbek.

A Lebanese security source said the airstrike occurred at 2:45 a.m., targeting a residence and an associated garage in the town of Taraya owned by a member of the Hamieh family. There were no casualties.

The Israeli army claimed that “an Israeli fighter jet attacked a terrorist cell in the Bekaa.”

Taraya is on the eastern slopes of the western Lebanese mountains, approximately 73 kilometers from the capital city of Beirut and 23 kilometers from the city of Baalbek. It was previously targeted by Israeli airstrikes during the extensive war on Lebanon — which lasted for 64 days — under the pretext of targeting sites and weapon depots belonging to Hezbollah.

Israel’s continued flouting of the terms of the ceasefire, which has been in effect for 29 days, were the focal point of a meeting held on Tuesday evening between caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati and representatives from the United States, France, and the UN Interim Force in Lebanon.

The attendees included American Maj. Gen. Jasper Jeffers, France’s Gen. Guillaume Ponchin, the commander of the Southern Litani sector of the Lebanese Army, Brig. Gen. Edgar Lowndes, and UNIFIL Commander Maj. Gen. Aroldo Lazaro, along with the Lebanese army commander, Brig. Gen. Joseph Aoun.

Mikati called on the committee to “stop the Israeli violations and the immediate withdrawal of Israeli forces from the border areas.”

He also agreed with the attendees to hold successive meetings with the Lebanese army to discuss the issues raised.

Israeli reconnaissance planes resumed incursions into Lebanese airspace, flying at low altitude over southern Lebanon, Beirut and its southern suburbs, after ceasing operations for two days.

On Wednesday, the Israeli army raised Israeli flags at a vacant Lebanese army post on Awida Hill.

This site, a strategic location, is where the Lebanese army previously established a base. It is adjacent to the villages of Kfar Kila, Adaisseh, Deir Mimas and Taybeh and overlooks Israeli settlements in Galilee, including Kiryat Shmona and Hula Valley, extending to Tiberias and deep into the Golan Heights.

Israeli raids on the border village of Taybeh killed two people on Monday.

The Israeli forces that invaded several border villages in southern Lebanon demolished houses and bulldozed roads on the outskirts of Houla, adjacent to Mays Al-Jabal. Lebanese residents are still denied entry to the occupied area, which includes 62 villages.

Israeli artillery shelling on Wednesday targeted Tayr Harfa, the outskirts of Majdal Zoun, and Maroun Al-Ras. Israeli forces also struck Jebbayn, firing bursts of machine-gun fire toward the town.

Media reports in Beirut reported that “US envoy Amos Hochstein will visit Beirut at the beginning of next year to help implement the ceasefire agreement in Lebanon.”

Israeli forces have dragged their heels in the withdrawal from invaded border areas, delaying the Lebanese army’s deployment in the cleared area.

Fears grow that Israeli’s war against Lebanon may restart, because the committee overseeing the implementation of the ceasefire is unable to stop Israeli violations.

The Israeli army is using the 60-day period in the ceasefire agreement for the complete withdrawal of its troops from invaded areas to destroy what is left of Hezbollah’s positions and weapon depots.

Meanwhile, explosions were heard in the Anti-Lebanon mountains separating Lebanon and Syria, apparently caused by the Lebanese army detonating explosive remnants of Israeli operations against Bekaa.


2024 Year in Review: Conflict keeps Sudanese trapped in a nightmare without end

Updated 26 December 2024
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2024 Year in Review: Conflict keeps Sudanese trapped in a nightmare without end

  • Famine now blights swathes of the country, while mass atrocities have taken place in Darfur and other regions
  • Sudan remains a stark reminder of the human cost of indifference and the urgent need for concerted global action

LONDON: Sudan’s descent into chaos, triggered by the outbreak of civil war in April 2023, has created one of the worst humanitarian disasters of the 21st century.

Despite its magnitude, the crisis has been overshadowed this year by events in Ukraine, Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, leaving millions to endure unimaginable hardship with insufficient international attention or assistance.

The conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces, led by Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, has plunged the nation into a spiral of violence, famine, displacement, and suffering.

Over the course of 2024, tens of thousands of people have been killed and millions forced from their homes. Famine now blights swathes of the country, while mass atrocities have taken place in Darfur and other regions.

Essential services, including hospitals, have collapsed, leaving the population dependent on overstretched and underfunded humanitarian aid.

The conflict between Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo has plunged the nation into a spiral of violence. (AFP/File)



Observers say the crisis, described by the UN as a “living nightmare,” has exposed the failure of the international community to provide adequate support or enforce meaningful accountability.

Hunger is now a fact of life for millions of Sudanese. The crisis has unleashed famine, particularly in Darfur, Kordofan, and neighboring regions, where the fighting has decimated agricultural production and disrupted supply chains.

In August, the Global Famine Review Committee officially declared famine in parts of Sudan, confirming IPC Phase 5 conditions in camps near Al-Fashir in Darfur. More than 25.6 million people face acute food insecurity, while 1.5 million are on the edge of famine.

The outbreak of famine was no accident. Humanitarian agencies say both the SAF and RSF have weaponized hunger by blocking aid routes, looting food supplies, and destroying farmland.

The deliberate targeting of humanitarian convoys has left isolated communities without access to food or clean water, exacerbating the crisis. Children have been the most vulnerable, with malnutrition rates soaring to catastrophic levels in displacement camps.

Malnutrition weakens immune systems, making the population more susceptible to illness. Disease outbreaks, including cholera and malaria, have compounded the misery.

Relief efforts, hampered by funding gaps and logistical challenges, have failed to match the scale of need. Despite repeated warnings from aid organizations, donor pledges have fallen short, leaving millions at risk of starvation.



The conflict has also triggered one of the largest displacement crises in recent history. More than 14 million people have been forced from their homes, with 11 million internally displaced and 3 million fleeing to neighboring countries such as Chad, Egypt, and South Sudan.

Khartoum, once the vibrant capital of Sudan, has become an epicenter of displacement. Entire neighborhoods lie in ruins, and millions of internally displaced persons now live in makeshift shelters, enduring appalling conditions.

Refugees who have sought sanctuary in neighboring countries now find themselves in overcrowded camps, with inadequate provisions and limited access to healthcare.

Host countries, already grappling with their own economic and security challenges, have received insufficient international support to meet the growing needs of these vulnerable populations.

The plight of IDPs is compounded by continued violence. Armed groups frequently attack camps, looting supplies and preying on displaced families. Meanwhile, humanitarian organizations face immense challenges in reaching those most in need.

Millions of people lack access to basic necessities such as food, water, medicine, and fuel. The war has crippled the country’s healthcare system, with more than 70 percent of medical facilities destroyed, looted, or knocked out of action.

Humanitarian aid, though vital, has been woefully insufficient. Only half of the $2.7 billion needed for Sudan’s relief operations in 2024 was funded, leaving millions without adequate support.

Refugees who have sought sanctuary in neighboring countries now find themselves in overcrowded camps. (AFP/File)



Aid agencies say the SAF and RSF have systematically obstructed deliveries of relief, targeting warehouses and convoys in an attempt to starve opposition strongholds into submission. As such, despite the efforts of aid workers, the scale of suffering continues to grow.

The toll of Sudan’s civil war is staggering, with estimates indicating more than 150,000 civilians killed since the conflict began in April 2023. These deaths, caused by bombardments, massacres, starvation, and disease, underscore the catastrophic human cost of the war.

A November report by the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine estimated more than 61,000 deaths in Khartoum state alone between April 2023 and June 2024.

Medical professionals warned early on that official figures underrepresented the true death toll, as many victims could not access hospitals due to ongoing violence.

In a May US Senate hearing, experts suggested the real casualty figure could be 10 to 15 times higher than earlier estimates.

The appalling extent of the violence plaguing Sudan emerged in October and November amid a spate of massacres in eastern Al-Jazirah state. As of December, up to 7,000 civilians had been killed in a series of brutal attacks reportedly carried out by the RSF, according to local monitors.

Survivors recounted harrowing tales of mass rape, forced displacements, and homes set ablaze. These atrocities are part of a broader pattern of violence that has characterized the conflict across Sudan.

Ethnic and territorial motives have driven these attacks, particularly in non-Arab communities. The RSF has been accused of systematic killings, sexual violence, and the destruction of entire villages in Darfur and other regions.

International condemnation of the massacres has been swift but largely ineffective. Human rights organizations have called for accountability and protection for civilians, but the lack of a functional justice system in Sudan has allowed perpetrators to act with impunity.

The conflict has also been marked by the widespread and systematic use of sexual violence, with harrowing accounts of abuse continuing to emerge.

Over the course of 2024, tens of thousands of people have been killed and millions forced from their homes. (AFP/File)



In July, Human Rights Watch released a report detailing the extent of these atrocities, stating that sexual violence in Khartoum had become “widespread,” particularly at the hands of the RSF.

The report documented numerous cases of rape, gang rape, forced marriages, and sexual slavery, with victims ranging in age from nine to 60.

Women and girls, often displaced and vulnerable, have been subjected to unimaginable suffering. NGOs estimate that as many as 4,400 cases of sexual assault may have occurred during the conflict, though the true number is likely much higher.

In April, Canada’s Raoul Wallenberg Center for Human Rights concluded that atrocities committed in Darfur meet the legal definition of genocide.

The RSF and allied militias have targeted communities, particularly the Masalit people, in what experts describe as a campaign of ethnic cleansing with echoes of the slaughter perpetrated by the RSF’s predecessor, the Janjaweed, in 2003-05.

Mass killings, sexual violence, and the destruction of villages have become hallmarks of the conflict. Survivors have recounted chilling accounts of entire families being executed and homes being razed.

The international community has struggled to respond effectively. While some advocacy groups have called for stronger sanctions and international prosecutions, enforcement mechanisms remain weak.

Many observers believe the international response to Sudan’s crisis has been fragmented and insufficient.

Relief efforts, hampered by funding gaps and logistical challenges, have failed to match the scale of need. (AFP/File)



The EU imposed sanctions on individuals and entities linked to activities that undermine Sudan’s stability, including those implicated in atrocities. However, these measures have done little to change the behavior of the warring factions.

The US and the African Union have called for a ceasefire, while Saudi Arabia and others have sought to mediate between the parties. However, peace talks have repeatedly failed.

In August, the Aligned for Advancing Lifesaving and Peace in Sudan (ALPS) Group, which includes Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE, proposed the creation of humanitarian corridors and civilian protection measures. However, ongoing violence has stymied these efforts.

External actors have continued to arm factions in the conflict, further complicating international mediation efforts. The UN Security Council, meanwhile, has faced criticism for its perceived inaction.

As the war continues into another year, Sudan remains a stark reminder of the human cost of indifference and the urgent need for concerted global action.