Mobilization in the West and Imran Khan’s ‘final call’
https://arab.news/gss2r
It seems very little has worked for the coalition government and its very powerful backers in the real corridors of power cobbled up conspiratorially after the questionable February 8 elections to disintegrate the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI) party or diminish the role of former prime minister Imran Khan in the chaotic politics of the country. The plan that the coalition government has attempted to implement is an old page from the well-trodden path of persecution, repression, and massive use of state power and constitutional institutions to harass, intimidate, imprison, and even enact infamous ‘disappearances’ of die-hard political workers, activists and some of the leaders of the party. The most obvious case is that of Imran Khan and his spouse, along with quite a few other prominent leaders against whom fresh cases are filed routinely if and when they get bail from any courts of law. Khan and his lawyers, one of whom was ‘kidnapped’ and released after months, claim that he has faced 150 criminal cases, including illegally possessing gifts given by foreign governments. Never has any opposition leader and their party faced as many cases and as much humiliating treatment in prison as the supporters of Khan claim he has. It was not the alleged changing of the results of the elections or denial of its party symbol, the cricket bat, but also the openly defying of Supreme Court orders and a refusal to implement the court decision of allocating the party a proportionate number of the reserved seats in the assemblies. Now, the party felt the only course left to it was pursuing active resistance against the regime.
The PTI has been quite successful in weaving a catchy and effective narrative using social media against the two dynastic parties, Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N), and the powerful ‘establishment’ of the country that it accuses of bringing them into power and using them as fronts to crush the party and its founder, Khan. Actually, the anti-establishment narrative is the biggest issue that defines the resistance narrative of the PTI, but it also pushes it into a confrontation with a state apparatus that has never faced any mass-based movements. Perhaps it understood the perils of this strategy and has kept the back door open for talks with the establishment. However, it seems no one is answering calls for a political deal. That wouldn’t be less than a major political shakeup of the ‘hybrid’ political-military system with a commitment to paving the path for a genuinely representative civilian government.
The political conflict unfolding on the battleground of the country will matter more than anything else.
Rasul Bakhsh Rais
But there are two problems here: one, there is a political culture of strong men with strong will on all sides of the political divide, and then, the big risk of a popular and populist leader riding to power on the wheels of mass protests that may upend an assiduously cultivated hybrid system.
The fear of the new street-driven challenge of Khan couched in an unconventional narrative pushes the establishment, the two dynastic parties and smaller clients into forging unity. Along with national mobilization, the PTI has actively used its strong, wealthy, and influential constituency in the West. It is also staging protests in favor of Khan across some countries. Besides this, some of the well-organized Pakistani groups have been lobbying with congressmen, parliamentarians, and international human rights organizations to highlight the persecution of the PTI and its founder.
On June 25, the US House of Representatives passed Resolution 901, condemning “attempts to suppress the people of Pakistan’s participation in their democracy” and calling for a probe into the alleged rigging of the elections, and ending arbitrary detentions, restrictions on and to Internet and telecommunications and releasing political prisoners. This bipartisan resolution was adopted by 368 in favor and only 7 against it. As usual, the government was quick to condemn it as an interference in internal affairs and quickly passed a counter-resolution to dismiss it. On November 16, about 46 Congressmen again raised the issue of releasing Khan and other political prisoners, disenfranchising the PTI and human rights violations, urging President Biden to stop violations. Similarly, on October 27, about 40 members of the British Parliament urged the Prime Minister to intervene in the release of Khan and help end violations of rights. All things considered, the political conflict unfolding on the battleground of the country will matter more than anything else. However, the strident voices of the two most powerful legislatures have made global headlines, stressing the image issue of the regime further, which is perceived as weak in legitimacy and vulnerable to international influence.
As PTI already has Islamabad on a standstill, one has to wait and see how the confrontation goes and whether or not it will make any dent into the hybrid system or end Khan’s troubles.
– Rasul Bakhsh Rais is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, LUMS, Lahore. His latest book is “Islam, Ethnicity and Power Politics: Constructing Pakistan’s National Identity” (Oxford University Press, 2017). X: @RasulRais
