Operation Assad: the air mission to smuggle the Syrian despot’s valuables

Bullet holes deface a mural depicting the toppled Syrian president Bashar al-Assad in Adra town on the northeastern outskirts of Damascus (AFP)
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Updated 17 April 2025
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Operation Assad: the air mission to smuggle the Syrian despot’s valuables

  • Ousted Syrian ruler used private jet to move cash, valuables, and documents to Abu Dhabi, sources say
  • Plane made four flights in last days of Assad’s regime, the last one from Russian base

DUBAI: As his enemies closed in on Damascus, Bashar Assad, who ruled over Syria with an iron fist for 24 years, used a private jet to spirit away cash, valuables and confidential documents mapping the corporate web behind his wealth.
Yasar Ibrahim, the president’s top economic adviser, arranged the leasing of the plane to transport Assad’s treasured assets, relatives, aides and presidential palace personnel to the United Arab Emirates aboard four flights, according to an account of the operation pieced together by Reuters from more than a dozen sources.
Ibrahim, who ran the economic and financial office of the presidency, was instrumental in creating a network of entities Assad used to control swathes of Syria’s economy, often acting as a front for the former ruler, according to US sanctions notices, as well as experts on Syria’s economy and one source inside Assad’s business network. Western nations imposed sanctions on Assad following his repression of 2011 pro-democracy protests and later on Ibrahim for assisting the regime.
The Embraer Legacy 600 jet made the four back-to-back trips to Syria in the 48 hours before the regime’s fall, according to a Reuters review of flight tracking records. The plane, which has the tail number C5-SKY, is registered in Gambia. The fourth flight departed on December 8 from the Russian-operated Hmeimim military air base, near Latakia, on Syria’s Mediterranean coast, according to flight tracking records, a satellite image and a former Air Force Intelligence source with direct knowledge of the operation. Assad fled to Russia on the same day from the same base.
The operation to extract Assad’s assets from Syria has not been previously reported. Reuters spoke to 14 Syrian sources with knowledge of the scheme, including airport staff, former intelligence and Presidential Guard officers and a person within Assad’s business network.
The news agency also reviewed a WhatsApp conversation between Ibrahim’s associates, flight tracking data, satellite images, and corporate and aviation ownership registers on three continents to assemble its account of how Assad’s closest confidant orchestrated safe passage for the plane.
The jet carried unmarked black bags of cash holding at least $500,000 as well as documents, laptops and hard drives with key intelligence about “The Group,” the codename Assad and Ibrahim’s associates used for the intricate network of entities spanning telecoms, banking, real estate, energy and other activities, according to the individual inside Assad’s network, a former Air Force Intelligence officer and the WhatsApp conversation. Assad, whose whereabouts was kept secret from even close family members in the last frantic days of his regime, has been granted political asylum in Russia. Reuters was unable to reach him or Ibrahim for comment. The foreign ministries of Russia and the UAE didn’t respond to questions about the operation.
The government of new president Ahmed Al-Sharaa is determined to recover public funds taken abroad in the run up to Assad’s fall, a senior official told Reuters, to support Syria’s economy as it labors under sanctions and a currency shortage.
The official confirmed to Reuters that money was smuggled out of the country before the former ruler’s ouster, but did not elaborate how, adding that authorities were still determining where the money went.
Reuters could not independently determine whether Assad actively directed the escape operation. Several sources with direct knowledge of the mission said it could not have happened without the ruler’s blessing.

’YOU HAVE NOT SEEN THIS PLANE’
On December 6, as rebels led by the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham marched toward the capital, the 13-seater Embraer jet approached Damascus International Airport.
More than a dozen staff in the camouflage uniforms of Syria’s Air Force Intelligence — a main instrument of political repression under Assad — mobilized to guard the Hall of Ceremonies, the airport’s VIP section, and its access route, according to six sources with knowledge of the operation. Four of these sources said they were at the scene.
A handful of civilian cars with tinted windows approached the area, three of the people on site said. The cars belonged to the elite Republican Guard, tasked to protect Assad and the Presidential Palace, said two of the people on site — the former intelligence officer and a senior airport official.
The involvement of the Republican Guard meant that “Bashar (Assad) gave the orders” relating to the operation, according to a former senior Republican Guard member. The guard answered only to its commander, Assad’s cousin General Talal Makhlouf, or Assad himself, this person added.
The head of airport security, Brig.-General Ghadeer Ali, told airport staff that Air Force Intelligence personnel would handle the aircraft, according to Mohammed Qairout, head of ground operations with Syrian Air.
“This plane is coming to land and we will deal with it,” Qairout recalled being told by Ali. “You have not seen this plane.”
Ali, a senior Air Force Intelligence officer, took orders directly from the Presidential Palace, three Syrian airport officials and the former intelligence officer said.
Reuters could not reach Ali for comment.
FINAL HOURS The C5-SKY plane flew each time to Abu Dhabi’s Al Bateen Executive Airport, used by dignitaries and known for its strict privacy, Flightradar24 data show. At first, the jet left Dubai on Dec. 6 and landed in Damascus around noon local time (0900 GMT). It then flew to Al Bateen airport and was back in Damascus just after 10 p.m.
Each time it landed, “cars rushed toward the plane, staying for a short time and then leaving just before the plane took off again,” said one of five sources working at the airport.
Ali told Air Force Intelligence staff that Presidential Palace personnel and relatives of Assad — including teenagers — were due to board the first two flights that left Damascus on December 6, which also carried cash, according to the former intelligence officer at the scene.
Reuters could not access a manifest for the four flights to confirm the plane’s passengers or cargo.
The second flight from Damascus also transported paintings and some small sculptures, said the same source.
On Dec. 7, the jet was back in Damascus around 4 p.m. and left for Al Bateen for a third time over an hour later, this time loaded with bags of cash as well as hard drives and electronic devices containing information about Assad’s corporate network, according to the intelligence officer and the source inside Assad’s business network.
The stored information included financial records, minutes of meetings, ownership of companies, real estate and partnerships, as well as details of cash transfers and offshore companies and accounts, this source said.
This time, vehicles belonging to the UAE embassy in Damascus approached the VIP airport area before the jet took off, said the former intelligence officer, which he said suggested the UAE was aware of the operation.

DETOUR TO RUSSIAN BASE
Early on December 8, rebel fighters reached Damascus, prompting Assad to flee for his coastal stronghold of Latakia, in coordination with Russian forces. Damascus airport stopped operating.
Shortly after midnight that day, the C5-SKY jet left Al Bateen one last time. After passing over the city of Homs, north of Damascus, at around 3 a.m. local time, the plane dropped off flight tracking coverage for about six hours before reappearing over Homs, headed back to Abu Dhabi, data from Flightradar24 show.
During that window, it landed at the Hmeimim base in the Latakia province, according to the former intelligence officer.
A satellite image taken at 9:11 a.m. by Planet Labs captured the plane on the runway at Hmeimim. Reuters was able to confirm the Embraer jet in the image was C5-SKY based on the size and shape and flight tracking data. The jet was the only private plane flying in and out of Syria between December 6 and December 8, flight tracking data show.
Aboard the flight from Hmeimim was Ahmed Khalil Khalil, a close associate of Ibrahim active inside Assad’s network, according to the Air Force Intelligence officer, the source inside Assad’s business empire and the WhatsApp conversation. Khalil is under Western sanctions for supporting the former regime by operating and controlling several businesses in Syria.
He had reached the Russian base in an Emirati embassy armored car and was carrying $500,000 in cash, according to the person inside Assad’s network and the WhatsApp messages.
Khalil had withdrawn the money two days earlier from an account with the Syria International Islamic Bank (SIIB), according to the same sources.
The person inside Assad’s circle said the account belongs to Damascus-based Al-Burj Investments. The company is 50 percent owned by Ibrahim, according to The Syria Report, an online platform that contains a corporate database compiled by Syria experts which cited 2018 official Syrian records.
Khalil did not respond to a request for comment sent via his Facebook account. SIIB and Al-Burj did not respond to emails seeking comment.
The individual inside Assad’s business circle and a former official at Syria’s Air Transport Authority said the Embraer jet was operating under a ‘dry lease’, in which the owner provides the aircraft, but no crew, pilot, maintenance, ground operations or insurance.
Reuters couldn’t determine who operated the flights.
Ibrahim reached Abu Dhabi on Dec. 11, this person added.
Asked about the plane in an interview with Reuters, Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa declined to comment.

’THE LEBANESE PLANE’
Ibrahim leased the jet from Lebanese businessman Mohamad Wehbe, according to a member of Syria’s business elite and the source inside Assad’s network. In the WhatsApp conversation the jet was described by one of Ibrahim’s associates as “the Lebanese plane.”

In April 2024, Mohamad Wehbe posted pictures of C5-SKY on LinkedIn with the caption, “welcome.” In January, the businessman wrote in a separate LinkedIn post that the aircraft was for sale. The plane was registered in Gambia to a local company, Flying Airline Company, from April 2024. Flight tracking records show that, in the months preceding Assad’s fall, the aircraft had flown to Assad’s ally Russia, currently under Western aviation sanctions for its invasion of Ukraine. Reuters was unable to reach the registered contact for Flying Airline Company in Gambia, Sheikh Tijan Jallow.
Flying Airline Co. is 30 percent-owned by another Lebanese national, Oussama Wehbe, and 70 percent-owned by Iraqi national Safa Ahmed Saleh, as per Gambian records.
Social media show Mohamad Wehbe has a son named Oussama who also works in the aviation industry. Reuters could not confirm if he is the same man on the Gambian registry.
Contacted by Reuters, Mohamad Wehbe denied any involvement with the C5-SKY flights in and out of Syria and told Reuters he does not own the plane but merely rents it “sometimes” from a broker, whose name he declined to provide. He did not respond to questions about whether his son was involved.
Oussama Wehbe did not reply to a request for comment. Reuters could not locate Safa Ahmed Saleh.


Houthi spokesperson: US-Houthi ceasefire deal does not include Israel

Updated 9 sec ago
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Houthi spokesperson: US-Houthi ceasefire deal does not include Israel

DUBAI: A ceasefire deal between Yemen's Houthis and the United States does not include operations against Israel "in any way, shape or form," the group's chief negotiator Mohammed Abdulsalam told Reuters on Wednesday.


Aid agencies slam Israeli plans for Gaza aid distribution

Updated 4 min 21 sec ago
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Aid agencies slam Israeli plans for Gaza aid distribution

  • The blockade will continue until a large-scale evacuation of the population from northern and central areas to the south
  • The government has said that cutting off aid is the best way to pressure Hamas to release 59 Israeli hostages held in Gaza
  • Berlin feels a special responsibility toward Israel due to Germany’s legacy of the Holocaust and is traditionally cautious in its criticism of the government

JERUSALEM/GENEVA:: Aid agencies have criticized Israeli plans to take over distribution of humanitarian aid in Gaza and use private companies to get food to families after two months in which the military has prevented supplies from entering the enclave.
Israel has provided few details about its plans, announced on Monday as part of an expanded operation that it says could include seizing the entire Gaza Strip.
For the moment, the blockade will continue until a large-scale evacuation of the population from northern and central areas to the south, where there will be a specially designated area cleared near the southern city of Rafah, Israeli officials have said.
They said those entering the zone will be vetted by Israeli forces to ensure that supplies do not reach Hamas, with what aid agencies have described as special “hubs” to handle distribution.
Israel has already cleared around a third of the territory to create “security zones” and the aid plan, combined with plans for moving much of the population to the south, has reinforced fears that the overall intention is full occupation.
The UN humanitarian agency OCHA said on Tuesday the plan was “the opposite of what is needed” and other agencies also questioned the plan, which they have only been briefed on verbally, according to two aid officials.
“It is totally wrong that a party to the conflict – in this case Israel — should be in control of lifesaving aid for civilians,” Jan Egeland, secretary general of the Norwegian Refugee Council said on the social media platform X.
“This new Israeli aid plan is both totally insufficient to meet the needs in Gaza, and a complete breach of all humanitarian principles,” he said.
COMPLEXITY OF DISTRIBUTION
Aid officials have frequently accused Israel of deliberately disregarding the complexity of aid distribution in an environment such as Gaza, laid waste by 19 months of a war that has destroyed much of its infrastructure and displaced almost all of its 2.3 million population several times.
They say the latest plans appear to echo previous Israeli ones for “humanitarian bubbles” or “civilian islands” that were rejected earlier in the war.
Israel has accused agencies including the United Nations of allowing large quantities of aid to fall into the hands of Hamas, which it accuses of seizing supplies intended for civilians and using them for its own forces.
“If Hamas continues to steal the aid from the people as well as earning money from it, the war will continue forever,” Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said in a statement.
The government has said that cutting off aid is the best way to pressure Hamas to release 59 Israeli hostages held in Gaza.
However, aid agencies say the plan would mean stripping vital protection from aid deliveries and effectively compel a transfer of civilians from the north to the south, contributing to conditions that could lead to their being forced out of Gaza permanently.
Israeli hard-liners have made no secret of their desire to see the Palestinian population moved out of Gaza, with politicians including Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declaring the plan would result in a full occupation of Gaza.
An earlier Israeli plan, known as the General Eiland plan, foresaw severe restrictions on aid to Gaza as a way of choking off supplies to Hamas, and Israeli hard-liners have often harked back to the plan.
With many Palestinians believing that Israel’s ultimate aim is to use aid as leverage to force them to leave and to occupy Gaza, one aid official said, fundamental mistrust of Israel could undermine the system.
“Would you be comfortable with your enemy providing you with aid?” the official asked.

New German Chancellor Friedrich Merz expressed concern about Israel’s plans to take over the distribution of humanitarian aid in Gaza and said his new foreign minister would travel to Israel at the weekend.
“It must be clear that the Israeli government must fulfil its obligations under international law and that humanitarian aid must be provided in the Gaza Strip,” he told ARD television late on Tuesday.
“We view the developments of the last few days with considerable concern,” he said, adding Israel had the right to defend itself but must live up to its humanitarian obligations.
Berlin feels a special responsibility toward Israel due to Germany’s legacy of the Holocaust and is traditionally cautious in its criticism of the government.
In February, Merz drew criticism from some for saying he had invited Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and would find a way for him to visit without being arrested under a warrant by the International Criminal Court.
Israel announced its plans on Monday as part of an expanded operation it says could include seizing the entire Gaza Strip. (


Egypt, Qatar mediate for Gaza Strip humanitarian relief

Updated 07 May 2025
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Egypt, Qatar mediate for Gaza Strip humanitarian relief

DUBAI: Egypt and Qatar issued a joint statement on Wednesday affirming their ongoing mediation efforts to address a humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip.
Egypt and Qatar said their efforts are closely coordinated with the United States to reach an agreement that ensures civilian protection and resolves the humanitarian tragedy.


What recent arrests and ban mean for political influence of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood

Updated 07 May 2025
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What recent arrests and ban mean for political influence of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood

  • Moves seen as response to immediate security threats with organization’s legacy of activism under fresh scrutiny
  • Analysts say decision to outlaw the Brotherhood marks a turning point in reform, security and political identity

DUBAI: Jordan’s recent ban on the Muslim Brotherhood marks a historic rupture in the kingdom’s political landscape, ending decades of uneasy coexistence and raising urgent questions about the future of political Islam in the country.

The Brotherhood is now outlawed after authorities uncovered arms caches and arrested last month 16 people for allegedly plotting rocket and drone attacks that authorities said “aimed at targeting national security, sowing chaos and sabotaging within Jordan.”

Interior Minister Mazin Al-Farrayeh’s subsequent decision to declare membership of the organization and promotion of its ideology as illegal reinforced a 2020 court ruling that had been largely unenforced in what analysts described as a “strategy of containment.”

Jordan’s announcement comes at a time of heightened regional tension and surging Islamist activism amid Israel’s war on Gaza. The question on many political observers’ lips since the arrests has been: Why was Jordan targeted by Islamists, and how will the kingdom respond in the coming days?

The Brotherhood’s resurgence in the political spotlight coincided with the eruption of the war on Gaza, as it staged nationwide pro-Palestinian demonstrations.

The Brotherhood’s political trajectory shifted significantly following the government’s liberalization process in the wake of the April 1989 protests in southern Jordan. (AFP/File)

Hazem Salem Al-Damour, director-general of the Strategiecs think tank, said the group sought to exploit strong anti-Israel sentiment and deep-rooted grassroots support to rally backing for Hamas, the Palestinian militant group founded as a Brotherhood offshoot.

Pro-Hamas slogans at protests highlighted the group’s transnational and pan-Islamic loyalties, often at odds with Jordan’s national interests, especially since Hamas’ offices were shut down in Jordan in 1999.

Authorities were further alarmed when investigations revealed that the busted Brotherhood cell had ties to Hamas’ Lebanese wing, which trained and funded some of the arrested militants. This followed a similar incident in May 2024, when Jordan accused the Brotherhood of involvement in a foiled plot by Iranian-backed militias in Syria to smuggle weapons through Jordan.

At the time, the Brotherhood said that while some members may have acted independently, the organization itself was not involved and remained part of the loyal opposition. It also claimed that the weapons were not intended for use in or against Jordan, but were being transported to support Palestinians in Gaza in their fight against Israeli security forces.

However, Jordan has also witnessed a surge in attempts to smuggle weapons and explosives from Syria for delivery to the West Bank over the past year.

“In a sense, the government, with its ban on the Brotherhood, shut down the group’s external support networks, through which it had sought to exploit Jordan’s geographic position in the region,” Al-Damour told Arab News, referring to the April 23 ban.

According to Al-Damour, the government’s decision was driven by security concerns rather than political calculations, and that the Brotherhood’s dual approach — public activity paired with covert operations — had become unacceptable to the state.

On April 30, four of the 16 defendants were sentenced by Jordan’s state security court to 20 years in prison after being convicted of “possession of explosives, weapons and ammunition.”

Mohammed Abu Rumman, a former Jordanian minister of culture and youth, regards the perceived radicalization of the Brotherhood’s activities as unprecedented.

“The production of weapons, explosives and missiles, as well as planning of drone operations marked a significant shift in the mindset of young members of the movement, signaling a clear break from the organization’s traditional framework and presenting a new challenge for the state,” he told Arab News.

The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood’s cross-border, partisan character dates back to its founding. Inspired by the Egyptian organization established by Hassan Al-Banna in 1928, the Jordanian branch began as a charitable entity and gradually expanded its reach, becoming deeply embedded in the country’s social and political landscape.

Pro-Hamas slogans at protests highlighted the group’s transnational and pan-Islamic loyalties. (AFP)

For more than four decades, the Brotherhood maintained a close alliance with the early Hashemite regime, backing the late King Hussein during pivotal moments, including the attempted military coup of 1957.

The absence of competing political forces — such as leftist and nationalist parties — due to martial law created a vacuum. This allowed the Islamist movement to broaden its religious-ideological outreach and deepen its political engagement across Jordanian society, including among labor unions and student groups.

The Brotherhood’s political trajectory shifted significantly following the government’s liberalization process in the wake of the April 1989 protests in southern Jordan.

With the lifting of martial law and the resumption of parliamentary elections, the Brotherhood expanded its charitable network by launching its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, in 1992. It quickly seized the moment, winning a strong bloc in the 11th parliament and earning broad popular support, establishing itself as a major political force.

Although the Brotherhood and its political wing retained distinct leaderships and organizational structures, the line between the two remained blurred.

Tensions between the movement and the government first emerged over the 1994 peace treaty with Israel and deepened in 1997, when the IAF chose to boycott the parliamentary elections.

By 2007, the Brotherhood viewed the regime’s policies as increasingly restrictive, particularly changes to the electoral law. The group participated in that year’s elections only symbolically, winning just six seats — a disappointing result that triggered a leadership crisis within the organization.

The 2011 “Arab Spring” revolts marked another period of tense relations in Jordan between the organization and the state, as the ascent of Islamist regimes to power in Egypt and Tunisia sparked alarm in the kingdom.

In 2015, Jordan passed a law dissolving the Brotherhood and transferring its assets to a newly established entity, the “Muslim Brotherhood Association,” in a move widely seen as an attempt to split the more hardline “hawks” from the moderate “doves.”

This new group was formed by leaders who had either been expelled from the original organization or resigned amid an increasingly bitter internal power struggle.

The 2011 “Arab Spring” revolts marked another period of tense relations in Jordan between the organization and the state. (AFP/File)

Abu Rumman, the former minister, says that Jordan’s decision to reinforce the 2020 court ruling aims to regulate political activity and ensure transparent participation, potentially benefiting the Brotherhood by pushing it away from the dualities that previously defined Islamist politics and caused internal divisions.

“The strict application of the rule of law requires the Brotherhood to clearly define its identity and role within the national framework, while cutting all foreign ties that raise ambiguity and suspicion,” he said.

The future now hinges on the findings of ongoing security investigations and the extent of the IAF’s links to the Brotherhood’s suspected activities. Soon after the activities of the Brotherhood were outlawed on April 23, Jordanian security forces raided the premises associated with it, acting in line with the new directive. The IAF has not been officially banned, though the authorities also carried out raids on its offices.

Al-Damour, from the think tank Strategiecs, outlined three possible scenarios: the ban remains limited to the Brotherhood, it extends to the IAF if its involvement is proven, or both are fully dismantled.

Under the Political Parties Law, the IAF could face a ban if its involvement in the plot is confirmed, a possibility that has grown after it suspended the membership of three accused members. This would mark a fundamental shift in Jordan’s political landscape and alter the course of reform announced in 2022.

If the IAF survives, Al-Damour said, it would need to formally sever ties with the banned Brotherhood, shrinking its size and influence by cutting off its traditional electoral base, mobilization network, and campaign funding. Alternatively, the party may attempt to circumvent the ban by quietly absorbing sympathizers and non-involved members of the banned group.

“Individuals from the banned group or its affiliated party may establish new licensed political parties, associations, or civil society organizations; and second, they may seek membership in already licensed Islamic parties. Their motivations could vary from genuine political participation and reform to quietly infiltrating these parties,” he said.

In 2015, Jordan passed a law dissolving the Brotherhood and transferring its assets to a newly established entity, the “Muslim Brotherhood Association.” (AFP)

However, according to him, a purely legal approach may not be enough to eradicate threats to national security. “This casts doubt on the likelihood that all members of the banned group will comply with the law,” Al-Damour said.

“Instead, the radical elements of the group may intensify covert activity similar to what the group practiced in Egypt during the 1950s and 1960s, and again after the July 30, 2013, revolution, as well as in Syria during the 1980s and Algeria in the 1990s.”

Security and intelligence efforts will likely remain active and focused on tracking the organization’s radical remnants, their networks, and alignment with regional counterparts invested in their continued activity.

Amer Al-Sabaileh, a geopolitical and security expert, stresses the need for a clear state strategy that extends beyond security measures to address social and media aspects. “The organization has enjoyed freedom of operation for years, building extensive support networks,” he told Arab News.

“To contain these implications, the state should construct a strong, solid narrative that clearly communicates the risks associated with the Muslim Brotherhood’s activities within Jordan.”

Jordan’s break from the Muslim Brotherhood, then, is both a response to immediate security threats and a reckoning with the movement’s complex legacy. The question posed at the outset — why was Jordan targeted by Islamists? — finds its answer in the confluence of history, ideology and the shifting sands of Middle Eastern geopolitics.

The kingdom’s next steps may determine not only the fate of political Islam within its borders, but also the broader trajectory of reform, stability and national identity in a region where the lines between domestic dissent and regional conflict are increasingly blurred.

 


Israel attack on Sanaa airport caused $500 million in damage: director

Updated 46 min 49 sec ago
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Israel attack on Sanaa airport caused $500 million in damage: director

  • Sanaa airport suspends flights after ‘severe damage’ from Israel strikes: director

SANAA: Israel’s attack on the airport in Yemen’s Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa destroyed terminal buildings and caused $500 million in damage, its director told Houthi media on Wednesday.
He said earlier in a statement on X that the airport was suspending all flights until further notice after sustaining “severe damage” in the Israeli strikes.
The strikes came after a Houthi missile gouged a crater near Tel Aviv’s Ben Gurion airport on Sunday.
“Around $500 million in losses were caused by the Israeli aggression on Sanaa airport,” its general director Khaled alShaief told the Houthis’ Al-Masirah television.
“The enemy destroyed the terminals at Sanaa airport, including all equipment and devices,” he said, adding that a warehouse was also “completely leveled.”
Yemenia Airways lost three planes, he said, adding that six planes in total had been destroyed.
“There are alternatives to temporarily reopen the airport, and we need a long time to rehabilitate it and restore operations,” he said.
On Tuesday, the Houthi rebels and the United States agreed a ceasefire that would ensure freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, mediator Oman said.
But the deal that was announced does not mention Israel, with the rebels vowing to respond to Tuesday’s strikes.
Houthi militants have been attacking Israel and merchant shipping in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden since late 2023, saying they are acting in solidarity with the Palestinians as the Gaza war rages.
The Yemeni militants had paused their attacks during a recent two-month ceasefire in the Gaza war.
In March, they threatened to resume attacks on shipping over Israel’s aid blockade on the Gaza Strip, triggering a response from the US military, which began hammering the Houthis with near-daily air strikes.