Young Democrats challenge US House leadership

Rep. Ilhan Omar, left, whispers to Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi as Democrats rally outside the Capitol ahead of passage of H.R. 1, "The For the People Act," a bill which aims to expand voting rights and strengthen ethics rules, in Washington, on March 8, 2019. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
Updated 09 March 2019
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Young Democrats challenge US House leadership

WASHINGTON: A restive group of newcomers. Baffled party leaders. Fiery conversations behind closed doors that spill into public view and threaten to upend legislation.
After a wrenching week for Democrats, it’s hard not to wonder: Does Speaker Nancy Pelosi have a tea party problem?
Emboldened by their ability to seize the spotlight and shape the national debate, a core group of high-profile freshmen Democrats are driving an agenda that could define the party for years to come. Much like the tea party conservatives who vaulted Republicans to power a decade ago, these Democrats’ firm ideology and wait-for-no-one swagger have set off a fight for the future of the party.
This week they helped sway the House majority during the emotional debate over how to respond to remarks from freshman Rep. Ilhan Omar that were viewed by some as anti-Semitic. In a party meeting, another freshman, Rep. Jahana Hayes, was unafraid to question Pelosi and other leaders who sought to find a middle ground and balance the complaints of other members.
That could be a preview of what’s to come. Some of the same lawmakers who defended Omar are pushing the party to endorse drastic steps to tackle climate change with Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Green New Deal. They’re ready to impeach President Donald Trump, openly defying Pelosi’s resistance to the idea.
Looking ahead, newly-elected Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Michigan, said the events so far have “made us stronger.”
The difference between the old and new guard is not just about policy. It’s also about tactics. The newcomers, from a generation decades younger than their leaders, are uninterested in House culture that once rewarded freshmen who waited their turn and kept their heads down. Some in the new class make their case on social media and use America’s curiosity about them to their advantage.
“We not only look differently, but we speak differently and we work very differently,” said Tlaib, whose call to impeach Trump — hours after being sworn into office, punctuated with a profanity — rocketed across Twitter.
“Right now, we’re feeling more and more heard and seen here,” she said.
The challenge ahead is whether Democrats can fulfill their promise of showing Americans they can govern and not slip into the disarray that tangled Republicans when they controlled the House.
The tea party class came to Washington in 2011, handing the reins to House Speaker John Boehner, but only rarely taking his lead. The hard-line conservatives were able to capitalize on built-in leverage points to flex their power on priority issues — using budget battles to cut spending or using the debt limit deadline to rein in deficits. They hung together, even as they threatened to shut down government by refusing to give their votes to pass legislation.
The empowered liberal freshmen don’t appear to have as clear a strategy. They are mainly free agents with their own brands and followings, which they leverage in similar but sometimes different ways. Their voices, and millions of social media followers, are perhaps their most valuable currency.
The debate over Omar’s comments — a fight over race, identity and tolerance — clearly hit a pressure point, creating some unexpected alliances between the newcomers and other members. They quickly found allies among the older guard.
The passion in the debate took some leaders by surprise and made for a complex solution. What started out as a denunciation of anti-Semitism ended up being a debate over how to say the party stands against bigotry. And it ended what amounted to a four-month honeymoon for the House Democrats.
Not all freshmen are eager to be branded as young, liberal and restless.
While much of the attention has flowed to Omar, Ocasio-Cortez and their fellow travelers on the left flank, another freshman, Rep. Donna Shalala, a former Cabinet secretary who represents a Miami-area swing district, said other freshman expect to be heard, too.
“This narrative that two or three people are driving the agenda is ridiculous,” she said.
Like Boehner, Pelosi is known as a keeper of institutional norms, and expects a certain amount of deference. But what is different is the way the two wield the power of the gavel. Boehner was slower to discipline those who strayed from his direction, while Pelosi is seen as one more willing to assert the leader’s ability to control dissent.
GOP strategist Sean Spicer said Pelosi’s problem is less about vote tallies than the tone of the debate coming from the new members, which has been impassioned at times.
“Boehner had more of a problem with keeping troops together on key votes and key policies,” said Spicer, the former Trump press secretary. “Right now she’s got a problem of how do you excuse some of the behavior and style.”
Pelosi, speaking Friday at the Economic Club of Washington, said she “thrives” on the diverse voices in her caucus and suggested that Democrats “channel our exuberances” to work together.
She acknowledged that she’s got some things to learn about the institution in which she’s served for more than three decades. But she added, “There’s something to be said for experience.”
Veteran lawmakers watching the new majority take shape are similarly confident.
Many of them have served these past years while Republicans were in control, waiting for this moment to return to power. Rep. Bill Pascrell, D-N.J., says the difference between the tea party troubles and this new generation is the role of Pelosi.
Boehner, he said, “gave people enough rope, and then it choked the party.” Former House Speaker Paul Ryan “had the same problem and it ate him, it ate him alive. I think that Nancy’s trying to listen, but she’s firm. She knows where the line is.”


North Korea’s Kim vows steadfast support for Russia’s war in Ukraine

Updated 13 sec ago
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North Korea’s Kim vows steadfast support for Russia’s war in Ukraine

  • North Korea has sent more than 10,000 troops to Russia and some of them have already begun engaging in combat on the frontlines
  • South Korea, the US and their partners are concerned that Russia could give North Korea advanced weapons technology in return

SEOUL, South Korea: North Korean leader Kim Jong Un vowed his country will “invariably support” Russia’s war in Ukraine as he met Russia’s defense chief, the North’s state media reported Saturday.
A Russia military delegation led by Defense Minister Andrei Belousov arrived in North Korea on Friday, amid growing international concern about the two countries’ expanding cooperation after North Korea sent thousands of troops to Russia last month.
The official Korean Central News Agency said that Kim and Belousov reached “a satisfactory consensus” on boosting strategic partnership and defending each country’s sovereignty, security interests and international justice in the face of the rapidly-changing international security environments in a Friday meeting.
Kim said that North Korea “will invariably support the policy of the Russian Federation to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity from the imperialists’ moves for hegemony,” KCNA said.
North Korea has supported Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, calling it a defensive response to what both Moscow and Pyongyang call NATO’s “reckless” eastward advance and US-led moves to stamp out Russia’s position as a powerful state.
Kim slammed a US decision earlier in November to let Ukraine strike targets inside Russia with US-supplied longer-range missiles as a direct intervention in the conflict. He called recent Russian strikes on Ukraine “a timely and effective measure” demonstrate Russia’s resolve, KCNA said.
According to US, Ukrainian and South Korean assessments, North Korea has sent more than 10,000 troops to Russia and some of them have already begun engaging in combat on the frontlines. US, South Korean and others say North Korea has also shipped artillery systems, missiles and other conventional weapons to replenish Russia’s exhausted weapons inventory.
Both North Korea and Russia haven’t formally confirmed the North Korean troops’ movements, and have steadfastly denied reports of weapons shipments.
South Korea, the US and their partners are concerned that Russia could give North Korea advanced weapons technology in return, including help to build more powerful nuclear missiles.
Last week, South Korean national security adviser Shin Wonsik told a local SBS TV program that that Seoul assessed that Russia has provided air defense missile systems to North Korea. He said Russia also appeared to have given economic assistance to North Korea and various military technologies, including those needed for the North’s efforts to build a reliable space-based surveillance system.
Belousov also met North Korean Defense Minister No Kwang Chol on Friday. During a dinner banquet later the same day, Belousov said the the two countries’ strategic partnership was crucial to defend their sovereignty from aggression and the arbitrary actions of imperialists, KCNA said.
In June, Kim and Putin signed a treaty requiring both countries to provide immediate military assistance if either is attacked. It’s considered the two countries’ biggest defense deal since the end of the Cold War.


Explosion damages canal feeding Kosovo’s main power plants

Updated 30 November 2024
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Explosion damages canal feeding Kosovo’s main power plants

  • Faruk Mujka, the head of water company Ibar-Lepenci, told local news portal Kallxo that an explosive device was thrown into the canal and damaged the wall of a bridge

PRISTINA: An explosion on Friday evening damaged a canal in northern Kosovo supplying water to two coal-fired power plants that generate nearly all of the country’s electricity, Prime Minister Albin Kurti said, blaming what he called “a terrorist act” by neighboring Serbia.
There were no immediate reports of injuries and the cause of the blast, which also impacted drinking water supplies, was not clear. Serbian officials did not respond to requests for comment, and Reuters found no immediate evidence of Belgrade’s involvement.
“This is a criminal and terrorist attack with the aim to destroy our critical infrastructure,” Kurti said in a televised address. He said that some of the country could be without power if the problem is not fixed by morning.
In a sign of ethnic tensions between the two Balkan countries, Kurti echoed Kosovo President Vjosa Osmani by blaming Serbian criminal gangs without providing proof.
Earlier on Friday, Kosovo police announced increased security measures after two recent attacks where hand grenades were hurled at a police station and municipality building in northern Kosovo where ethnic Serbians live. It was not clear if the incidents were linked.
Local media showed pictures of part of the canal destroyed and leaking water and a heavy police presence at the site.
Faruk Mujka, the head of water company Ibar-Lepenci, told local news portal Kallxo that an explosive device was thrown into the canal and damaged the wall of a bridge.
He said the water supply, which also feeds drinking water to the capital Pristina, must be halted to fix the problem as soon as possible since it was the main channel for supplying Kosovo Energy Corporation (KEK), the country’s main power provider.
Independence for ethnic Albanian-majority Kosovo came in 2008, almost a decade after a guerrilla uprising against Serbian rule. However tensions persist, mainly in the north where the Serb minority refuses to recognize Kosovo’s statehood and still sees Belgrade as their capital.
The EU’s Kosovo ambassador, Aivo Orav, condemned the attack that he said was already “depriving considerable parts of Kosovo from water supply.”

 


Senior Russian diplomat says possibility of new nuclear tests remains open question

Updated 30 November 2024
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Senior Russian diplomat says possibility of new nuclear tests remains open question

  • Moscow has not conducted a nuclear weapons test since 1990, the year before the collapse of the Soviet Union

MOSCOW: A possible resumption of nuclear weapons tests by Moscow remains an open question in view of hostile US policies, a senior Russian diplomat was quoted as saying early on Saturday.
“This is a question at hand,” Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov told TASS news agency when asked whether Moscow was considering a resumption of tests.
“And without anticipating anything, let me simply say that the situation is quite difficult. It is constantly being considered in all its components and in all its aspects.”
In September, Ryabkov referred to President Vladimir Putin as having said that Russia would not conduct a test as long as the United States refrained from carrying one out.
Moscow has not conducted a nuclear weapons test since 1990, the year before the collapse of the Soviet Union.
But Putin this month lowered the threshold governing the country’s nuclear doctrine in response to what Moscow sees as escalation by Western countries backing Ukraine in the 33-month-old war pitting it against Russia.
Under the new terms, Russia could consider a nuclear strike in response to a conventional attack on Russia or its ally Belarus that “created a critical threat to their sovereignty and (or) their territorial integrity.”
The changes were prompted by US permission to allow Ukraine to use Western missiles against targets inside Russia.
Russia’s testing site is located on the remote Novaya Zemlya archipelago in the Arctic Ocean, where the Soviet Union conducted more than 200 nuclear tests.
Putin signed a law last year withdrawing Russia’s ratification of the global treaty banning nuclear weapons tests. He said the move sought to bring Russia into line with the United States, which signed but never ratified the treaty.

 


Ireland headed for coalition government following parliamentary election, exit poll suggests

Updated 30 November 2024
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Ireland headed for coalition government following parliamentary election, exit poll suggests

DUBLIN: An exit poll in Ireland’s parliamentary election released late Friday suggests the three biggest parties have won roughly equal shares and the country is headed for another coalition government.
A poll released as voting ended at 10 p.m. (2200GMT) said center-right party Fine Gael was the first choice of 21 percent of voters, with its center-right coalition partner in the outgoing government, Fianna Fail at 19.5 percent. Left-of-center opposition Sinn Fein was at 21.1 percent in the poll.
Pollster Ipsos B&A asked 5,018 voters across the country how they had cast their ballots. The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 1.4 percentage points.
The figures only give an indication and don’t reveal which parties will form the next government. Counting of ballots starts Saturday morning and because Ireland uses a complex system of proportional representation known as the single transferrable vote, it can take between several hours and several days for full results to be known.
The result will show whether Ireland bucks the global trend of incumbents being ousted by disgruntled voters after years of pandemic, international instability and a cost-of-living pressures.
Sinn Fein, which had urged people to vote for change, hailed the result.
“There is every chance that Sinn Fein will emerge from these elections as the largest political party,” Sinn Fein director of elections Matt Carthy told broadcaster RTE.
Though Sinn Fein, which aims to reunite Northern Ireland with the independent Republic of Ireland, could become the largest party in the 174-seat Dail, the lower house of parliament, it may struggle to get enough coalition partners to form a government. Both Fine Gael and Fianna Fail have refused to form alliances with it.
Here’s a look at the parties, the issues and the likely outcome.
Who’s running?
The outgoing government was led by the two parties who have dominated Irish politics for the past century: Fine Gael and Fianna Fail. They have similar center-right policies but are longtime rivals with origins on opposing sides of Ireland’s 1920s civil war.
After the 2020 election ended in a virtual dead heat they formed a coalition, agreeing to share Cabinet posts and take turns as taoiseach, or prime minister. Fianna Fail leader Micheál Martin served as premier for the first half of the term and was replaced by Fine Gael’s Leo Varadkar in December 2022. Varadkar unexpectedly stepped down in March, passing the job to current Taoiseach Simon Harris.
Opposition party Sinn Fein achieved a stunning breakthrough in the 2020 election, topping the popular vote, but was shut out of government because Fianna Fail and Fine Gael refused to work with it, citing its leftist policies and historic ties with militant group the Irish Republican Army during three decades of violence in Northern Ireland.
Under Ireland’s system of proportional representation, each of the 43 constituencies elects multiple lawmakers, with voters ranking their preferences. That makes it relatively easy for smaller parties and independent candidates with a strong local following to gain seats.
This election includes a large crop of independent candidates, ranging from local campaigners to far-right activists and reputed crime boss Gerry “the Monk” Hutch.
What are the main issues?
As in many other countries, the cost of living — especially housing — has dominated the campaign. Ireland has an acute housing shortage, the legacy of failing to build enough new homes during the country’s “Celtic Tiger” boom years and the economic slump that followed the 2008 global financial crisis.
“There was not building during the crisis, and when the crisis receded, offices and hotels were built first,” said John-Mark McCafferty, chief executive of housing and homelessness charity Threshold.
The result is soaring house prices, rising rents and growing homelessness.
After a decade of economic growth, McCafferty said “Ireland has resources” — not least 13 billion euros ($13.6 billion) in back taxes the European Union has ordered Apple to pay it — “but it is trying to address big historic infrastructural deficits.”
Tangled up with the housing issue is immigration, a fairly recent challenge to a country long defined by emigration. Recent arrivals include more than 100,000 Ukrainians displaced by war and thousands of people fleeing poverty and conflict in the Middle East and Africa.
This country of 5.4 million has struggled to house all the asylum-seekers, leading to tent camps and makeshift accommodation centers that have attracted tension and protests. A stabbing attack on children outside a Dublin school a year ago, in which an Algerian man has been charged, sparked the worst rioting Ireland had seen in decades.
Unlike many European countries, Ireland does not have a significant far-right party, but far-right voices on social media seek to drum up hostility to migrants, and anti-immigrant independent candidates are hoping for election in several districts. The issue appears to be hitting support for Sinn Fein, as working-class supporters bristled at its pro-immigration policies.
What’s the likely outcome?
The exit poll bears out earlier opinion poll findings that voters’ support is split widely among Fine Gael, Fianna Fail, Sinn Fein, several smaller parties and an assortment of independents.
Before polling day, analysts said the most likely outcome is another Fine Gael-Fianna Fail coalition, possibly with a smaller party or a clutch of independents as kingmakers. That remains a likely option.
“It’s just a question of which minor group is going to be the group that supports the government this time,” said Eoin O’Malley, a political scientist at Dublin City University. “Coalition-forming is about putting a hue on what is essentially the same middle-of-the-road government every time.”
 


France on the back foot in Africa after Chadian snub

French soldiers stand at attention during a morning drill at the French military base in Chadian capital N'Djamena in 2014. (Reu
Updated 30 November 2024
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France on the back foot in Africa after Chadian snub

  • Chad abruptly ended its defense cooperation pact with France
  • Experts say that without Chad, French army will struggle to run other Africa operations

NAIROBI/GENEVA: A French plan to significantly reduce its military presence in West and central Africa risks backfiring and further diminishing the former colonial power’s influence in the region at a time when Russia is gaining ground.
A French envoy to President Emmanuel Macron this week handed in a report with proposals on how France could reduce its military presence in Chad, Gabon and Ivory Coast, where it has deployed troops for decades.
Details of the report have not been made public but two sources said the plan is to cut the number of troops to 600 from around 2,200 now. The sources said Chad would keep the largest contingent with 300 French troops, down from 1,000. However, in a surprise move that caught French officials on the hop, the government of Chad — a key Western ally in the fight against Islamist militants in the region — on Thursday abruptly ended its defense cooperation pact with France. That could lead to French troops leaving the central African country altogether.
“For France it is the start of the end of their security engagement in central and Western Africa,” said Ulf Laessing, director of the Sahel Programme at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Mali.
“Chad was the aircraft carrier of the French army, its logistical headquarters. If Chad doesn’t exist, the French army will have a huge problem to keep running its other operations.”
In a further blow to France, Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye told French state TV on Thursday it was inappropriate for French troops to maintain a presence in his country, where 350 French soldiers are currently based. France has already pulled its soldiers out from Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, following military coups in those West African countries and spreading anti-French sentiment. Paris is also shifting more attention to Europe with the war in Ukraine and increasing budgetary constraints, diplomats said.
The review envisions the remaining French soldiers in the region focusing on training, intelligence exchange and responding to requests from countries for help, depending on their needs, the sources said. Chad’s move to end the cooperation deal had not been discussed with Paris and shocked the French, according to the two sources and other officials. France, which wants to keep a presence in Chad in part because of its work to help ease one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises unfolding now in neighboring Sudan, responded only 24 hours after Chad made its announcement.
“France takes note and intends to continue the dialogue to implement these orientations,” the foreign ministry said in a statement.
One of the two sources, a French official with knowledge of Chadian affairs, said Chad’s government appeared to have seen the French decision to more than halve its military presence there as a snub. Chad also felt the French would no longer be in a position to guarantee the security of the military regime led by President Mahamat Idriss Deby, this source said.
Macron had backed Deby despite criticism since Deby seized power following the death of his father, who ruled Chad for 30 years until he was killed in 2021 during an incursion by rebels. Deby won an election held this year.
In its statement on Thursday evening, released hours after the French foreign minister had visited the Sudanese border in eastern Chad with his counterpart, Chad’s foreign ministry said N’djamena wanted to fully assert its sovereignty after more than six decades of independence from France. It said the decision should in no way undermine the friendly relations between the two countries. Earlier this year, a small contingent of US special forces left Chad amid a review of US cooperation with the country.
The French drawdown, coupled with a US pullback from Africa, contrasts with the increasing influence of Russia and other countries, including Turkiye and the United Arab Emirates, on the continent. Russian mercenaries are helping prop up the military governments of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, and are also fighting alongside them against Islamist militants. However, French officials and other sources played down Russia’s ability to take advantage of the French setback in Chad, at least in the short term. The French source familiar with Chadian affairs noted that Russia and Chad back rival factions in Sudan’s war. Russia also has major military commitments in Syria and the war in Ukraine.