How Gaza hostage diplomacy could dictate the course of Israel-Hamas war

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Released after 13 days in captivity, US citizens Natalie Shoshana Raanan and Judith Tai Raanan were among roughly 230 people taken hostage by Hamas during the group’s Oct. 7 attack on southern Israel. (AFP)
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Israelis protest outside the Ministry of Defense in Tel Aviv on October 19, 2023, to demand the release of Israelis held hostage by Hamas militants in the Gaza Strip. (Ahmad Gharabli/AFP)
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A picture taken from Israel’s southern city of Sderot shows smoke rising during Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip on Oct. 29, 2023, amid ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas movement. (AFP)
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Updated 02 November 2023
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How Gaza hostage diplomacy could dictate the course of Israel-Hamas war

  • Hamas took an estimated 230 hostages, including children and elderly people, during its Oct. 7 attack on southern Israel
  • The politics and tactics of hostage-taking is the subject of the latest report by the Arab News Research and Studies Unit

LONDON: One of the defining images that emerged in the aftermath of the attack on Israel on Oct. 7 was a frame taken from a video, widely disseminated on social media, showing an elderly Israeli woman being driven away into captivity on a golf cart.

It was no coincidence that this image was released, nor that it was so widely used by media organizations around the world. Kidnapping is a visceral act, designed precisely to generate emotional responses that can only benefit the agenda of the hostage-takers.

Yaffa Adar, an 85-year-old Israeli grandmother, was taken from her home in Kibbutz Kfar, close to the border with Gaza.

In the photograph she sits wrapped in a blanket, surrounded by armed men yet gazing ahead with an incongruously calm expression.




Yaffa Adar, an 85-year-old Israeli grandmother who was taken from her home in Kibbutz Kfar during the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, remains in captivity. (Hatem Ali/AP)

She is, as her granddaughter Adva Adar told Reuters on the day of the attacks, “a strong lady ... she’s sitting trying to show them she’s not afraid and she’s not hurt.”

And then she echoed the plaintive plea of every family that has ever suffered the agony of seeing a loved one snatched from their everyday world and held hostage as a pawn in a political game that is beyond their control.




This image taken from video released by Al Qassam brigades on its Telegram channel, shows Yocheved Lifshitz, 85, center, and Nurit Cooper, 79, being escorted by Hamas as they are released to the Red Cross in an unknown location on Oct. 23, 2023. (Al Qassam Brigades via AP)

“I have a message, I have a hope that they will understand that these people have done nothing wrong,” said Adar, fighting back tears.

“I can’t even start to understand how people think it makes sense to kidnap an 85-year-old lady, to kidnap babies, kidnap kids.”

But of course, as those who are holding Yaffa Adar and an estimated 230 other hostages know all too well, in the cold-blooded logic of those who seek to leverage political advantage by placing governments under extreme emotional pressure, kidnapping vulnerable children and old ladies makes the most perfect, terrible sense.

The politics and tactics of hostage-taking is the subject of the latest report published by the Arab News Research and Studies Unit. The author is James Denselow, a writer on Middle East politics and security issues who has worked for the UK-based foreign policy think-tank Chatham House and international NGOs.

In “The Hostage Dilemma,” Denselow reviews the long and much-practised business of “hostage diplomacy,” which, he writes, has been a weapon in the arsenal of terror groups and rogue governments for decades.

From the recent and controversial release in September of five prisoners each by Iran and the US, following agreement by the American government to unfreeze $6 billion of Iranian assets, to the holding hostage for 444 days of 52 Americans seized at the US Embassy in Tehran in 1979, “perhaps the most challenging response to hostage diplomacy,” writes Denselow, “is the inconsistent policies of states toward it.”




Pro-Iran Revolution activists held 53 American citizens hostage for 444 days until Jan. 20, 1981. (Getty Images/File)

The truth of this observation can be seen now in the unfolding Gaza crisis, where the raw emotions unleashed by the plight of so many hostages is preventing a unified international response, and even muddying the waters for Israeli military planners.

The awful reality is that, even as it releases a token few hostages here and there, Hamas is seen by its critics as indifferent to the fate of the people it has taken, beyond keeping at least some of them alive long enough for the prospect of their release — or their deaths — to serve its purpose.

Desperately concerned for their loved ones, and tortured daily by thoughts of what they must be going through, many of the families of the hostages have, in effect, become the unwilling allies of their captors.

Ever since the hostages were taken, pressure on the Israeli government at home and from around the world to enter into negotiations with their captors has mounted daily.

The horror the families are dealing with was emphasised on Monday with the news that Shani Louk, a 22-year-old German-Israeli woman who was living in Tel Aviv and was thought to have been kidnapped from the scene of the massacre at the music festival at the start of the attacks on Oct. 7, was in fact dead.




Shani Louk, a 22-year-old German-Israeli kidnapped by Hamas militants, was confirmed dead on Oct. 30, 2023. (Instagram)

The gruesome details of how Louk’s death was confirmed will serve only to pile on more pressure, not only on Israel but also on all the governments now facing pleas from frantic families.

Israeli forensic scientists identified Louk from DNA extracted from a fragment of skull bone, which so far is the only part of her body that has been recovered.

Hamas is thought to be holding several other Germans, among the citizens of some 24 other countries who were snatched on Oct. 7, and who together account for half of the hostages now being held.

In addition to coping with the mounting pressure from its own increasingly angry families, who fear their loved ones will be murdered by Hamas or fall victims to Israeli bombs and bullets in Gaza, the government is now having to deal with a wide range of demands and diplomatic pressure from other nations around the world.


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Whether by accident or design, there are, in fact, more hostages from other countries being held than citizens of Israel, including 54 Thai nationals, 15 Argentinians, 12 Germans, 12 Americans, six French and six Russians, and this serves Hamas well.

And, although on Wednesday some holders of foreign passports were allowed to leave Gaza through the Rafah border crossing to Egypt, international concern remains high for the citizens of many countries who have found themselves trapped by the conflict in increasingly desperate conditions.

On Monday a UK Cabinet minister said that the 200 Britons trapped in Gaza were, in effect, also hostages, trapped by Hamas’ refusal to allow them to leave, despite direct pleas by the US and other countries.

Their plight was thrown into sharp focus when Scotland’s First Minister Humza Yousaf disclosed that his own parents, who had been visiting Gaza, had run out of drinking water.

 

 

A seemingly endless flow of similar stories is piling pressure onto the Israeli government from countries that defend Israel’s right to defend itself, but not at the cost of the innocent lives of their own citizens who, through no fault of their own, find themselves pawns in the Hamas game plan.

“The mass hostage-taking of Israelis, many of whom were children or the elderly, as well as high numbers of dual nationals, is a crucial component of the deadly equation of the crisis currently playing out between Israel and Hamas,” Denselow told Arab News.

“The taking of hostages was seemingly a key objective — not an opportunistic act — of the attack itself.”

And, as Hamas will surely have intended, “some of the families of hostages taken have already proven to be some of the most powerful advocates of diplomacy and military de-escalation to see their relatives returned safely.”

Cracks are appearing in Israeli society, ramping up the level of political jeopardy faced by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Organizing via WhatsApp and the hashtag “Bring them home now,” on Saturday the Hostages and Missing Families Forum gathered at Israel’s Defense Ministry headquarters in Tel Aviv, carrying photographs of the missing and demanding to know what the government planned to do to save their lives.




Israelis protest outside the Ministry of Defense in Tel Aviv on October 19, 2023, to demand the release of Israelis held hostage by Hamas militants in the Gaza Strip. (Ahmad Gharabli/AFP)

The previous week Hamas had announced that 50 hostages had already died under Israeli bombardment in Gaza. Now Friday night’s incursions into Gaza by Israeli forces had only ratcheted up the anxiety of relatives, stoking fears that Israel’s much-advertised bombing of 150 underground targets had been carried out with little or no concern for the hostages possibly being held in Hamas tunnels.

“Why this offensive? There is no rush. Hamas wasn’t going anywhere,” one man at the protest told the media as he stood holding a picture of his missing 19-year-old nephew, and a poster that read: “Don’t abandon us twice.”

The mood among the protesters was that the government had already failed the hostages once for having allowed the unprecedented attack of Oct. 7 to take place virtually unchallenged. Now, many believe, morally, the government has only one option — to release all Palestinians held in Israeli prisons in exchange for the hostages.

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The cry, “All the prisoners for all the hostages,” that is echoing ominously in Israel’s corridors of power will no doubt be music to the ears of the Hamas leadership.

For now, Hamas appears to be in complete control of the increasingly tense standoff between the Israeli government, its own people, and the under-pressure governments of many of its global allies, and only small adjustments to the model are required by Hamas to maintain the pressure on Netanyahu and his cabinet.

On Oct. 18 a Hamas spokesman announced the group was willing to release women and children.




This photo provided by Ichilov hospital shows Yocheved Lifshitz, one of the two women released from Hamas captivity late Monday, Oct. 23, 2023, being wheeled in a wheelchair down the hall at the hospital in Tel Aviv, Israel. (Jenny Yerushalmy/Ichilov hospital via AP)

Two days later, two American hostages, Judith Raanan and her daughter, Natalie, were suddenly released, with US President Joe Biden publicly thanking “the government of Qatar and the government of Israel for their partnership in this work.”

Three days after that, two more elderly Israeli hostages were released. One, 85-year-old grandmother Yocheved Lifshitz, was a peace activist who, according to her grandson, had worked for years helping Palestinians in Gaza to receive medical treatment.

In footage of the women’s release, filmed and released by the media-savvy Hamas, Lifshitz was seen shaking hands with one of her armed captors and wishing him “Shalom” — peace.

On Monday Hamas released a video featuring three kidnapped Israeli women, one of whom accused Netanyahu of having failed to protect Israel on Oct. 7, and then condemned Israel’s military incursions into Gaza.

 

 

“We are innocent citizens,” she told her prime minister. “You want to kill us all. You want to kill us all using the IDF (Israel Defense Forces).”

Each such episode bolsters hope for those who remain in captivity, appears to show Hamas in a humanitarian light, and makes any large-scale military incursion into Gaza by Israeli forces appear reckless.

What does Hamas want? Last week a senior official was quoted on NBC News saying that it would be willing to release all civilian hostages “in one hour” if Israel halted all attacks on the Gaza Strip and released all Palestinians detained by Israel.

This is, of course, exactly what many of Israel’s own citizens are now calling for.




Israeli armored personnel carriers and tanks move towards the Gaza Strip border in southern Israel on   Nov.1, 2023. (AP)

But Denselow says the situation in Gaza — and the fate of the hostages held there — remains on a knife edge.

“Reports suggest that the release of a handful of hostages may have played a role in delaying a ground offensive,” he said.

“Yet history shows that while in more stable conflicts hostage negotiation and return can occur, in more fast-moving and intensive conflicts hostages are often tragically unable to escape the wider maelstrom of violence.

“If, by some diplomatic miracle, hostages are safely released, there is still the question of what happens next, and whether violence could indeed escalate.”

 


Israel cracks down on Palestinian citizens who speak out against the war in Gaza

Updated 24 November 2024
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Israel cracks down on Palestinian citizens who speak out against the war in Gaza

  • Israeli authorities have opened more incitement cases against Palestinian citizens during the war in Gaza than in the previous five years combined

UMM AL-FAHM, Israel: Israel’s yearlong crackdown against Palestinian citizens who speak out against the war in Gaza is prompting many to self-censor out of fear of being jailed and further marginalized in society, while some still find ways to dissent — carefully.
Ahmed Khalefa’s life turned upside down after he was charged with inciting terrorism for chanting in solidarity with Gaza at an anti-war protest in October 2023.
The lawyer and city counselor from central Israel says he spent three difficult months in jail followed by six months detained in an apartment. It’s unclear when he’ll get a final verdict on his guilt or innocence. Until then, he’s forbidden from leaving his home from dusk to dawn.
Khalefa is one of more than 400 Palestinian citizens of Israel who, since the start of the war in Gaza, have been investigated by police for “incitement to terrorism” or “incitement to violence,” according to Adalah, a legal rights group for minorities. More than half of those investigated were also criminally charged or detained, Adalah said.
“Israel made it clear they see us more as enemies than as citizens,” Khalefa said in an interview at a cafe in his hometown of Umm Al-Fahm, Israel’s second-largest Palestinian city.
Israel has roughly 2 million Palestinian citizens, whose families remained within the borders of what became Israel in 1948. Among them are Muslims and Christians, and they maintain family and cultural ties to Gaza and the West Bank, which Israel captured in 1967.
Israel says its Palestinian citizens enjoy equal rights, including the right to vote, and they are well-represented in many professions. However, Palestinians are widely discriminated against in areas like housing and the job market.
Israeli authorities have opened more incitement cases against Palestinian citizens during the war in Gaza than in the previous five years combined, Adalah’s records show. Israeli authorities have not said how many cases ended in convictions and imprisonment. The Justice Ministry said it did not have statistics on those convictions.
Just being charged with incitement to terrorism or identifying with a terrorist group can land a suspect in detention until they’re sentenced, under the terms of a 2016 law.
In addition to being charged as criminals, Palestinians citizens of Israel — who make up around 20 percent of the country’s population — have lost jobs, been suspended from schools and faced police interrogations posting online or demonstrating, activists and rights watchdogs say.
It’s had a chilling effect.
“Anyone who tries to speak out about the war will be imprisoned and harassed in his work and education,” said Oumaya Jabareen, whose son was jailed for eight months after an anti-war protest. “People here are all afraid, afraid to say no to this war.”
Jabareen was among hundreds of Palestinians who filled the streets of Umm Al-Fahm earlier this month carrying signs and chanting political slogans. It appeared to be the largest anti-war demonstration in Israel since the Oct. 7 Hamas attack. But turnout was low, and Palestinian flags and other national symbols were conspicuously absent. In the years before the war, some protests could draw tens of thousands of Palestinians in Israel.
Authorities tolerated the recent protest march, keeping it under heavily armed supervision. Helicopters flew overhead as police with rifles and tear gas jogged alongside the crowd, which dispersed without incident after two hours. Khalefa said he chose not to attend.
Shortly after the Oct. 7 attack, Israel’s far-right government moved quickly to invigorate a task force that has charged Palestinian citizens of Israel with “supporting terrorism” for posts online or protesting against the war. At around the same time, lawmakers amended a security bill to increase surveillance of online activity by Palestinians in Israel, said Nadim Nashif, director of the digital rights group 7amleh. These moves gave authorities more power to restrict freedom of expression and intensify their arrest campaigns, Nashif said.
The task force is led by Itamar Ben-Gvir, a hard-line national security minister who oversees the police. His office said the task force has monitored thousands of posts allegedly expressing support for terror organizations and that police arrested “hundreds of terror supporters,” including public opinion leaders, social media influencers, religious figures, teachers and others.
“Freedom of speech is not the freedom to incite ... which harms public safety and our security,” his office said in a statement.
But activists and rights groups say the government has expanded its definition of incitement much too far, targeting legitimate opinions that are at the core of freedom of expression.
Myssana Morany, a human rights attorney at Adalah, said Palestinian citizens have been charged for seemingly innocuous things like sending a meme of a captured Israeli tank in Gaza in a private WhatsApp group chat. Another person was charged for posting a collage of children’s photos, captioned in Arabic and English: “Where were the people calling for humanity when we were killed?” The feminist activist group Kayan said over 600 women called its hotline because of blowback in the workplace for speaking out against the war or just mentioning it unfavorably.
Over the summer, around two dozen anti-war protesters in the port city of Haifa were only allowed to finish three chants before police forcefully scattered the gathering into the night. Yet Jewish Israelis demanding a hostage release deal protest regularly — and the largest drew hundreds of thousands to the streets of Tel Aviv.
Khalefa, the city counselor, is not convinced the crackdown on speech will end, even if the war eventually does. He said Israeli prosecutors took issue with slogans that broadly praised resistance and urged Gaza to be strong, but which didn’t mention violence or any militant groups. For that, he said, the government is trying to disbar him, and he faces up to eight years in prison.
“They wanted to show us the price of speaking out,” Khalefa said.


Israeli strikes across Lebanon kill more than 55 as US officials push for ceasefire

Updated 24 November 2024
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Israeli strikes across Lebanon kill more than 55 as US officials push for ceasefire

  • At least 20 were killed and 66 wounded in a strike in the heart of Beirut
  • Air strikes also killed 24 in eastern Lebanon and 14 in the south, health ministry says

BEIRUT: Lebanon said Israeli air strikes on Saturday killed more than 55 people, many of them in central Beirut, as Israel’s defense minister vowed decisive action against Hezbollah, in a call with his US counterpart.

It was one of the deadliest strikes in a day since Israel escalated air strikes against Hezbollah targets in Lebanon on September 23, after nearly a year of limited cross-border exchanges of fire, in which Lebanon’s Hezbollah said it was acting in support of Hamas.

One strike on Saturday in the heart of Beirut brought down a residential building and jolted residents across the city.

The strike on the working-class Basta neighborhood killed at least 20 people and wounded 66, Lebanon’s health ministry said in a revised toll.

A Lebanese security source told AFP that the central Beirut strike had “targeted a leading Hezbollah figure,” but a Hezbollah lawmaker, Amin Sherri, denied to Lebanese media that any official was present at the time of the attack.

Similar strikes carried out without warning outside of Hezbollah’s traditional bastions — which include southern Beirut but not the center — have tended to target senior figures.

The health ministry said Israeli air strikes also hit eastern Lebanon, killing 24 people including 13 in the town of Shmostar overlooking the Bekaa Valley, another Hezbollah stronghold.

In Lebanon’s south, at least 14 were killed including five in the coastal city of Tyre, the ministry said.

Rude awakening

Residents in Beirut's Basta neighborhood were asleep and had not been given prior warning to evacuate, according to a civil defense source.

Four bunker buster missiles hit the building in the densely populated Al-Ma’moun Street.

It resulted in the complete or partial destruction of adjacent structures, while the targeted building was reduced to rubble, leaving a deep crater.

The sheer number of residents who sustained various injuries overwhelmed local hospitals that issued urgent calls for blood donations.

“We saw two dead people on the ground... The children started crying and their mother cried even more,” said Samir, 60, who lives in a building facing the one destroyed.

The attack in the capital was followed by others in the city’s southern suburbs after calls by the Israeli military to evacuate.

Israel has not commented on the strike in central Beirut but said it had again hit Hezbollah targets in the city’s southern suburbs, a stronghold of the Iran-backed group.

A military statement said that over the past week, the air force “struck dozens of Hezbollah command centers, weapons storage facilities, and terrorist infrastructure in the Dahieh area.”

Survivors recounted the moments of terror they experienced during the airstrikes and how they narrowly escaped death as parts of their homes collapsed.

Among the victims of the raid was a family of 10 from the southern town of Shaqra’s Hourani family. They had been displaced to the Al-Salam neighborhood in the southern suburbs of Beirut but chose to move to Basta, “believing it offered greater security than the southern suburbs,” according to a relative.

The bunker buster munitions resembled those used in the assassinations of the former chief of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, and another top official, Hashem Safieddine.

A building about 100 meters from the new target was attacked about a month ago.

Confusion over the targets

About 12 hours after the raid that shook Beirut and its suburbs, Hezbollah MP Amin Sherri, while inspecting the targeted site in Basta, said: “There was no Hezbollah member in the targeted building.”

Information circulating at the time of the airstrikes suggested that the target of the raid was a “prominent Hezbollah leader” taking part in a leadership meeting.

Israeli Channel 12 reported that the “target was Sheikh Naim Qassem, the secretary-general of Hezbollah.”

But the Israel Broadcasting Authority reported in the morning, citing a security source, that the target was Hezbollah official Mohammed Haidar.

However, the Israeli source did not confirm at the time whether he was killed or survived.

Haidar, a former member of Lebanese parliament, represented the Marjayoun-Hasbaya district from 2005 to 2009.

He served as a military aide to Nasrallah and was a member of the Jihad Council, regarded as Hezbollah’s highest executive leadership for military and security operations.

Haidar is one of the three prominent members of the council alongside Talal Hamieh and Khudar Yussuf Nader.

Additionally, Haidar serves as head of Hezbollah’s operations room.

Channel 12’s military reporter said that the official “was residing in a hidden apartment,” adding that the Basta attack “was an attempt to assassinate him.”

Israeli attacks against Beirut, especially against Hezbollah commanders, prompted internal backlash.

Independent MP Waddah Sadek said: “Hezbollah should take the moral and courageous decision of protecting Beirut’s residents and displaced people.

“Beirut is not an operation area, but a city that welcomed our displaced people only.”

Former Beirut MP Rola Al-Tabesh said: “The magnitude of the Israeli enemy’s criminality and blood-shedding is condemned and indescribable.”

Diplomatic solution

In a telephone call with Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Saturday, Washington's Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin “reiterated US commitment to a diplomatic resolution in Lebanon that allows Israeli and Lebanese civilians to return safely to their homes on both sides of the border,” a Pentagon spokesperson said.

A spokesman for Katz said he commended the US efforts toward “de-escalation in Lebanon” and underscored that Israel would “continue to act decisively in response to Hezbollah’s attacks on civilian populations in Israel.”

United States envoy Amos Hochstein was in Lebanon and Israel this week, meeting with both countries’ senior officials, to try to negotiate an end to the war.

After talks in Beirut he said a deal was “within our grasp” but as he headed to Israel both sides put out statements that dented hopes of rapid progress.

Lebanon says more than 3,670 people have been killed in the country since October 2023. Most of the deaths have been since September this year.

Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack on Israel that triggered the Gaza war resulted in the deaths of 1,206 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally of Israeli official figures.

Israel’s retaliatory campaign in Gaza has killed at least 44,176 people, most of them civilians, according to data from the Hamas-run territory’s health ministry, which the United Nations considers reliable.

In the pre-dawn darkness of Gaza on Saturday, one strike killed seven people including children at a house in the Zeitun area of Gaza City, civil defense agency spokesman Mahmud Bassal told AFP.

AFPTV footage showed victims being brought in to Al-Ahli Arab Hospital including a bloody and dust-covered man, as a boy on a bed beside him struggled to reach the man and called for his father.

“We were sleeping, I was lying here. What happened?” one survivor, Abu Shaker Shaldan, said, lost for words at the scene of the strike, with blood trickling down his head.

Tensions escalate

Meanwhile, confrontations between the Israeli army and Hezbollah have escalated, reaching the second line of villages across the southern Lebanese border.

The escalation included Baalbek, Brital and Chmistar, where three children and their mother were killed.

Israeli drones targeted several fishermen on the beach of Tyre, killing two.

Hezbollah said it was now using cruise missiles to target Israeli military outposts in northern Israel.

Beirut’s southern suburb has been subject to a series of Israeli raids since the early morning. The airstrikes targeted not only single houses and buildings, but also residential and commercial compounds.

The attacks were preceded by evacuation warnings issued by the Israeli army, along with a map showing the targeted locations.

Raids reached Burj Al-Barajneh, Hadath, Choueifat, Amrousieh near the Lebanese University and Haret Hreik.

The Israeli army claimed that it targeted “many Hezbollah headquarters, weapon depots and military infrastructure.”

Clashes intensified in the southern town of Khiam between Hezbollah and the Israeli army amid fierce militant resistance.

The Israeli army carried out detonations, described as “very violent,” in the heart of the town, and homes were destroyed in Shamaa and Tayr Harfa, which the Israeli army entered a few days earlier.

Reports suggested that the Israeli army took control of large areas of the coastal town of Al-Bayada.

Media reports spoke of Israeli soldiers entering between the border towns of Al-Taybeh and Rab Al-Thalathin.

The Israeli army fired heavy munitions toward the outskirts of the town of Naqoura.

Several people were killed in Israeli airstrikes targeting motorcycles on the roads in the Tyre and Bint Jbeil districts.

Airstrikes targeted frontline and second-line towns, and in the city of Bint Jbeil, about 50 shells hit residential neighborhoods within a two-hour period.

Israeli jets struck Chehabiyeh and Zefta, killing three people, and the vicinity of Al-Bazourieh, Chaaitiyeh and Roumine, where five people were killed, as well as Khirbet Selm and Mayfadoun.

Airstrikes hit the town of Roum in the Jezzine district, resulting in three deaths and two injuries.

- With Agencies


UAE foreign ministry says monitoring case of missing Moldovan citizen

Updated 24 November 2024
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UAE foreign ministry says monitoring case of missing Moldovan citizen

  • Zvi Kogan, a Moldovan citizen, was reported missing since Thursday
  • Ministry says it is “in close contact with his (Kogan’s) family to provide them with all means of necessary support.”

RIYADH: The United Arab Emirate’s foreign ministry on Sunday said it is closely monitoring the case of Zvi Kogan, a Moldovan citizen who was reported missing since Thursday.

In a press statement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it is “in close contact with his (Kogan’s) family to provide them with all means of necessary support.”

Majed Al Mansoori, MOFA director of foreign nationals affairs, was quoted in the statement as saying that the ministry was also in contact with the Embassy of Moldova in Abu Dhabi about the case.

Mansoori further said the Ministry of Interior “is implementing extensive measures in its search for the missing person, affirming that the relevant authorities in the UAE have initiated the search operations and investigations immediately following the receipt of the report.” 

Wire agencies reported that the missing person was a rabbi who also held Israeli citizenship and that the Israeli prime minister’s office on Saturday night acknowledged Kogan’s disappearance, without elaborating.

The UAE has a burgeoning Jewish community, with synagogues and businesses catering to kosher diners. 

However, Israel’s genocidal war against Palestinians in Gaza and increasing aggression against Lebanon have sparked deep anger among Emiratis, Arab nationals from other states and others living in the UAE.


Gunman shot dead, 3 police injured in shooting near Israeli embassy in Jordan

Updated 43 min 19 sec ago
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Gunman shot dead, 3 police injured in shooting near Israeli embassy in Jordan

  • Many of Jordan’s 12 million citizens are of Palestinian origin, they or their parents having been expelled or fled to Jordan in the fighting that accompanied the creation of Israel in 1948

AMMAN: A gunman was dead and three Jordanian policemen injured after a shooting near the heavily fortified Israeli embassy in the capital Amman in Sunday’s early hours, a security source and state media said.
Police shot a gunman who had fired at a police patrol in the affluent Rabiah neighborhood of the Jordanian capital, the state news agency Petra reported, citing public security, adding investigations were ongoing.
The gunman, who was carrying an automatic weapon, was chased for at least an hour before he was cornered and killed just before dawn, according to a security source.
Jordan’s communications minister, Mohamed Momani, described the shooting as a terrorist attack that targeted public security forces in the country. He said in a statement that investigations into the incident were under way.
“Tampering with the security of the nation and attacking security personnel will be met with a firm response,” Momani told Reuters, adding that the gunman had a criminal record in drug trafficking.
Jordanian police cordoned off an area near the heavily policed embassy after gunshots were heard, witnesses said. Two witnesses said police and ambulances rushed to the Rabiah district, where the embassy is located.
The area is a flashpoint for frequent demonstrations against Israel. The kingdom has been the scene of some of the biggest peaceful protests across the Middle East over Israel’s war against Palestinian Islamist group Hamas in Gaza.
Many of Jordan’s 12 million citizens are of Palestinian origin, they or their parents having been expelled or fled to Jordan in the fighting that accompanied the creation of Israel in 1948. Many have family ties on the Israeli side of the Jordan River.
Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel is unpopular among many citizens who regard the normalization of relations as betraying the rights of their Palestinian compatriots.


How should Arab Americans deal with Trump administration?

Updated 24 November 2024
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How should Arab Americans deal with Trump administration?

  • Michigan-based businessman Ned Fawaz tells “The Ray Hanania Radio Show” the community should opt for engagement, not boycott
  • Civil rights attorney David Chami sees a double standard that plays down anti-Arab racism while amplifying pro-Israel narratives

CHICAGO: A prominent Arab American businessman from Michigan has called on Arab and Muslim communities to abandon the boycott strategy they adopted during Donald Trump’s first presidency and instead engage with his administration to address pressing issues, including the conflicts in Gaza and Lebanon. However, an Arizona civil rights attorney cautioned that the plea coincides with what he views as a concerning surge in anti-Arab racism and Islamophobia.

Speaking on “The Ray Hanania Radio Show,” Ned Fawaz, president of the Lebanese International Business Council and founder of the American Arab Chamber of Commerce in Michigan; and David Chami, a civil rights attorney representing students sanctioned by Arizona State University for anti-Israel protests, urged the community to prioritize dialogue over boycotts. They acknowledged what they view as Trump’s polarizing reputation and pro-Israel cabinet appointments, and argued that there is a rising tide of hatred toward Arabs and Muslims, but also highlighted the importance of engagement to influence policymaking.

Fawaz said that dialogue is essential to influencing US policy. “It’s bad to boycott. After all, we’re American. We have issues (other than just) the Middle East as well. And I think we should all dialogue and talk, and be ready to communicate with the president, with any administration, because we cannot just sit aside and do nothing.”

Donald Trump meeting with Arab American leaders in Dearborn, Michigan, on Nov. 01, 2024, days before the election./ Getty Images/AFP)

He urged Arab Americans to seize “every opportunity” to push Trump to end the violence and foster a climate for lasting peace, including support for the two-state solution for Palestinians. “Yes, always, negotiation makes better sense than boycotting. We believe in evolution. We do not believe in revolution. So, that’s the way it should be,” Fawaz said, highlighting the importance of engaging with the US president regardless of who holds the office, to address issues affecting both Arab American citizens and the Middle East.

Trump, who defeated Democratic rival Kamala Harris in both the electoral college and by popular vote on Nov. 5, remains a controversial figure in the Arab American community. However, as suggested by a pre-election survey by Arab News, many view Trump as the leader best equipped to end the Gaza conflict, despite his perceived closeness to Israel.

During his first term, Arab Americans overwhelmingly supported Democrat Hillary Clinton during the election and grew frustrated with Trump’s policies in office, including his anti-immigration stances and strong backing of Israel. The community boycotted several key initiatives, such as the 2020 Peace to Prosperity Conference in Bahrain, organized by Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, and opposed the Abraham Accords, which normalized relations between Israel and some Arab states like the UAE, Morocco and Bahrain.

Pro-Palestinian demonstrators protest in support of the Palestinians who have died in Gaza outside of the Arab American National Museum in Dearborn, Michigan, on August 11, 2024. (AFP)

Adding to an already complex geopolitical situation, on Thursday, after months of deliberation, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former defense minister Yoav Gallant and Hamas official Mohammed Deif, accusing them of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The charges stem from the war in Gaza and the October 2023 attacks that triggered Israel’s extensive offensive in the Palestinian territory.

While the suspects are unlikely to appear before judges at The Hague — since Israel is not an ICC member — the announcement could influence the dynamics of the conflict. The full extent of its repercussions remains unclear.

In an almost bipartisan statement, the US strongly condemned the ICC’s decision, diverging from the more cautious responses of its allies. President Joe Biden called the arrest warrants “outrageous,” saying: “Let me be clear once again: Whatever the ICC might imply, there is no equivalence — none — between Israel and Hamas. We will always stand with Israel against threats to its security.” Mike Waltz, the incoming national security adviser, dismissed the ICC’s credibility, claiming its allegations had been refuted by the US government. “You can expect a strong response to the antisemitic bias of the ICC and UN come January,” he said.

Donald Trump meets with Arab American leaders at The Great Commoner cafe on Nov. 1, 2024 in Dearborn, Michigan, as he campaigned for the community's support for his presidential bid. (Getty Images via AFP)

Fawaz, while analyzing Trump’s potential influence in the region, acknowledged the former president’s unwavering support for Israel and his close alliance with Netanyahu, describing it as a possible obstacle. However, he highlighted Trump’s personal connections to the Arab community, noting that his daughter Tiffany is married to Lebanese American Michael Boulos, whose father, Massad Boulos, was a vocal supporter of Trump and the Arab Americans for Trump group.

However, Fawaz acknowledged the significant challenges posed by Trump’s cabinet selections. Many of his appointees are staunchly pro-Israel and have made controversial statements about Palestinians. These include the former governor of Arkansas, Mike Huckabee, nominated as US ambassador to Israel, who once claimed that “there is no such thing as Palestinians” and opposes the two-state solution. Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, expected to serve as secretary of state, has openly supported Israel’s military actions in Gaza, opposing calls for a ceasefire while advocating for additional funding and weaponry for Israel.

“The secretary of defense also has an extreme Zionist position. I think, even with all of that, we must continue to negotiate, continue the dialogue, to interact with the administration,” Fawaz said, referencing the nomination of Pete Hegseth, a former Fox News host and Iraq war veteran. “Hopefully there will (be) some people who are fair, who are good for the US government, they are good for the US people, good for the taxpayers and they see some fair issue,” he said. “They will not allow this kind of genocide that has taken place in Lebanon or in Gaza.”

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Since the outbreak of the conflict in October 2023, the US administration has consistently voiced its support for Israel, which has drawn widespread criticism for what many experts describe as excessive use of force. In 14 months of conflict, about 44,000 people, including one-third of them children, have been killed in Gaza, while more than 3,500 deaths have been reported in Lebanon, many caused by US-made and supplied weapons.

Speaking on a separate segment of the show, attorney Ahmad Chami claimed that there has been a surge in anti-Arab racism and Islamophobia, which he said is not an aberration, but a continuation of systemic hostility toward Arab and Muslim Americans, exacerbated by Israel’s wars in Gaza and Lebanon. Chami criticized the inconsistent responses of US politicians, claiming they are quick to act against discrimination targeting other groups but hesitant to address anti-Arab racism or Islamophobia for fear of being labeled antisemitic.

“We are too easily the villains for our government and our media,” Chami said, citing the Arizona State University lawsuit as an example of the suppression of pro-Palestinian protests. “We’re so worried about the perception that this anti-Israeli policy protest is going to have on the poor innocent Jewish Americans that we are willing to suppress free speech, and pass bills, and attempt to pass bills labeling Students for Justice in Palestine as ‘terrorist sympathizers’.”

Counter demonstrators stand outside the University of Maryland campus in College Park, Maryland, display a placard labeling the Students for Justice in Palestine as Hamas sympathizers for opposing the Israeli war on Gaza nd Lebanon. (Getty Images via AFP)

Chami described this as a double standard that minimizes public attention to anti-Arab racism while amplifying narratives that favor Israel, and pointed to a rise in hate crimes against Arabs and Muslims in the US — an increase of 71 percent in the first half of 2024, according to Chami — that has been “vastly underreported.”

Citing the recent attack by a 64-year-old Jewish woman in Downers Grove, a suburb of Chicago, Illinois, who verbally and physically assaulted a Muslim man and his pregnant wife at a coffee shop because the husband was wearing a sweatshirt with the word “Palestine” on it, Chami argued that this atmosphere allows people to “feel protected and emboldened” to attack Arabs or Muslims with impunity.

“That is a systematic problem,” he said. “That is a problem with our government allowing these people to feel like, I can attack an Arab, I can attack someone I perceive as Muslim or even pro-Palestinian, and I’ll be fine.”

Chami linked this environment to political factors portraying Arabs and Muslims as terrorists, which he said devalues Arab and Muslim lives while elevating those of pro-Israel or Jewish individuals. Chami also revealed that documents from his lawsuit against Arizona State University suggest the Anti-Defamation League lobbied university officials to treat anti-Israel protests as acts of violence.

This combination of pictures created on November 12, 2024 shows some of the nominees of US President-elect Donald Trump to key posts in his incoming administration. Trump has not picked any Arab-American nominee so far, despite their strong support for him during the Nov. 5 US presidential election. (AFP/File)

“They (ADL) call themselves a civil rights organization, but they’re very clearly, in my view, an organization that is a political organization that is intended to protect not only Jewish Americans, but more importantly, Israeli interests,” Chami said, accusing the group of pressuring institutions like the ASU to silence pro-Palestinian voices.

Fawaz echoed the need for change at both local and international levels, pointing to Trump’s administration as a potential avenue for such transformation. “Change is always possible,” he said, citing Trump’s frequent cabinet reshuffles during his first term. While Trump has yet to appoint Arab Americans to key roles, Fawaz said that there are many qualified individuals in the community. “There are some capable Arab Americans in politics, all over the US,” he said. “And he can select someone who is fair, who can be our voice.”

He also highlighted efforts by Massad Boulos to act as a liaison between Trump and the Lebanese community. “We hope Boulos succeeds and secures a position where he can make a difference,” he said.

Although Biden initiated outreach to Arab Americans during his first year in office and appointed two dozen Arab Americans to White House and State Department roles, Fawaz criticized the administration for curbing their influence by barring them from speaking publicly on Middle East issues. He expressed hope that this would change under Trump’s leadership, though, in this increasingly intricate political landscape, much remains to be seen.