Saudi contemporary artist Sultan bin Fahad: ‘My medium is storytelling’ 

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Updated 05 September 2024
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Saudi contemporary artist Sultan bin Fahad: ‘My medium is storytelling’ 

DUBAI: The Riyadh-born, New York-based contemporary artist Sultan bin Fahad has been creating artworks since childhood. But, he says, he didn’t know that’s what he was doing for a long time.  

“I always felt like I had a certain creativity in me,” he tells Arab News. “I was making what I called ‘things.’ But it was a hobby, you know? I thought it was like interior design — decorating my room. I didn’t know it could be considered art.” 

At the time, bin Fahad was focused on building a career in the navy and on taekwondo. He had realistic hopes of competing in the 1992 Olympics in Barcelona, he says. But a series of injuries put paid to both of those dreams, and left him wondering what to do next.  

He ended up studying business in San Francisco, where his accommodation was close to an art academy.  

“I’d pass by and see their work; that was the first time I was exposed to modern and contemporary art. And I realized, ‘Oh. So whatever I’ve been doing is probably considered some sort of art.’” He laughs. “That’s how I became aware of my ability to create artworks.” 

He has become known particularly for his intricate and colorful beaded works, often created by artisans from the Hausa tribe in Nigeria.  

“They have an interesting story,” he says. “They are Muslims, they study the Qur’an. But they kept the language of their tribe. They know all about Saudi. You can actually find descendants of the same tribe in Jeddah and Makkah. Back in the day, they travelled or went for Hajj and they never left. They stayed there for three or four generations.”  

Beyond the physical side of his work, however, he says the most important thing is that each piece tells a story.  

“I always say my medium is storytelling. I hate it when you show someone something and they say, ‘OK, what am I looking at?’ That means you definitely failed to show any emotion in your work. Like, I still make abstract paintings, and there is basically nothing to say about them. But people forget that there is an emotion when you look at something: you might feel happy, you might feel sad, you might be attracted to the colors. But if you look at any piece and you don’t get any idea in the first 10 seconds, then I failed.” 

Here, bin Fahad talks us through some of his most significant works. 

‘Delights III’ 

This series, “Delights,” came about during COVID lockdowns. I collect a lot of found objects, because they inspire me. I’d found these small gift boxes that used to have candy or nuts in. They come with different phrases on them, like, “May your day be filled with happiness and joy.” And there’s always a picture of shaking hands. The handshake is a universal gesture. And during COVID, we didn’t have that. People didn’t shake hands. Some people didn’t even see anyone. It was a dark time. So I thought, “OK, what if we had something in people’s homes, to give joy and a little hope?” First of all, I did a series of beaded works, and they were shown in an online art fair. Then this friend of mine who is a carpet maker had the idea of making carpets designed by artists from the GCC. And they chose me to represent Saudi. So, I designed this carpet. It’s this whole concept of hopeful, beautiful work that you can see every day and can give you good energy. It’s not an artwork; it’s part of the house. It’s living with you. 




‘Delights III’ 

 

‘Desert Kite’ 

This was created for Desert X AlUla. AlUla is so beautiful. You can’t compete with it. So I wanted something that would basically separate you from the environment; something with walls, so you don’t know what’s around you and you can basically listen to the environment — to silence. 

I have this fascination with history and heritage. There are these very interesting structures around the north west of Saudi and the south of Jordan: desert kites. The first time they discovered them was, I think, during World War Two. They were flying over them. You only can see them from above. And I wondered what their purpose was. Some people say that they’re prehistoric animal traps from thousands of years ago, so my intention was to create something telling that story, so that little blue-green object inside? That’s like the bait — food or water. That makes the animal go inside. Then they’re trapped. And inside the sculpture (on the walls) are a lot of mythical animals: the Medusa, the eagle, the Sphinx — and they’re all trapped in there too. And inside you can sit and actually listen to silence, which is very unusual in a place that is open like that. It’s very interesting. 

One thing I really liked with this work was people’s interpretation of it. A lot of people said it looked like a keyhole — so it was the key to another culture or civilization; or it was the key between the sky and the Earth. I liked how people became their own curator. I’m happy to have people interpret my work the way they see it — as long as they get something out of it.  




‘Delights III’ 

‘Window’ 

This was for my project “The Red Palace.” It’s one of my dearest projects. It made me comfortable with what I’m doing. This was my first real installation work, and my first time really doing something conceptual — almost like theater. And it was my first project with the Hausa artisans. And it’s dear to me because it’s a building I was really inspired by — I always used to walk past it as a kid and I always loved it. It defined architecture in Riyadh and it’s central to the history of Saudi Arabia, whether as a royal palace or as a government building. Everything from the Forties or Fifties to the Nineties was run from that palace.  

The whole idea started with Diriyah Season. They wanted to do an exhibition, and I had this idea of doing a performance called “The Royal Dinner.” During that time, King Saud had three chefs, and they’d have a set menu. People think that, in Saudi Arabia at that time, it was all Bedouin. But no, we had sophistication. But nobody talks about it, and it’s not in in books. So I wanted to recreate this royal banquet to celebrate those behind the scenes; the labor that people don’t know about. I submitted this idea to the Ministry of Culture, and they approved it. So then I went and visited the palace, and I was like, “OK, this is much bigger than my idea, why don’t we expand it?” So we did a lot more, including “Window,” which has actually now been acquired by the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi. It’s another dear work to me, because each window was reclaimed from a region of the Kingdom. And it’s backlit, so it shows you how beautiful it would feel to be in those houses with those windows. And it unifies all the regions into one. Like a lot of my work, it’s also nostalgic. When you see those windows, you think back: “Oh, I remember the time when we were kids and playing here and there.”  




‘Window’ 

‘Trust’ 

These chairs were thrones for my “Red Palace” project. When I was looking into doing some beaded work — I wanted to do something in Africa, generally — I didn’t know how to get a contact. I saw I had an Instagram follower from Nigeria. I had no idea who she was. I just DM’d her, and asked if she knew anyone who could make beading work in Nigeria. She said she didn’t, but she could look into it. And she found someone. I showed them what I wanted to do — this was for “The Red Palace” — and while I was doing that, she messaged me and said: ‘Can I ask you a question? Why did you trust me to do this?’ I said, ‘Well, if you want something done, you have to trust someone.” Otherwise I’d have to have travelled myself, you know? When I told the curator this story, she said, “We have to call that piece ‘Trust.’” Because that’s what it was based on. This collaborative work we did, with workmanship like this, they don’t know how to create something new; they just work on what they know — they bead chairs traditionally. I needed to see if they could do it the way I wanted it to be. But that first collaboration led to a lot of other pieces, because they were open to the idea of doing it in a different form. That’s where the trust came from.  




'Trust'

‘Masallaci’ 

This work is very dear to me. It’s a giving-back-to-the-community work. It’s a beautiful story. During the time when I was doing “The Red Palace” and “Trust,” the Hausa people that were working with me, they work in a village next to Abuja in Nigeria. When they have work, they travel there from their villages and they rent part of the place they’re working in for accommodation. I asked them where they prayed. It kind of made me feel like responsible, like I needed to support the community that was working for me. So, I asked them to decorate part of the place they were working in as a mosque — in their own way, their own traditions, their own language; the writing you see is the Hausa language, not Arabic — in exchange for me renting the space for them, to pray and live and work, for a whole year. Everything inside the mosque is beaded, except the floor. Even the furniture. And they sent a turban for me — you can see it in the picture, a little white turban. The imam of the mosque in Nigeria wears this turban, so this was their gift for me. It’s one of my favorite works. And it was really a collaboration; they designed it themselves, I just gave them the idea. 

‘Laser’ 

This project was called “GWPOW” — which stands for Gulf War Prisoners of War. It’s about the Gulf War, but it’s also relevant to what’s happening now in Gaza. It’s about how life is stolen from kids who become soldiers when they’re supposed to be playing and living. They don’t take the decision, somebody else does.  

I was 19 during the first Gulf War. I wanted to volunteer but I couldn’t, because of my injuries — I’d just had my second knee surgery. So I ended up volunteering as a translator. I went and saw the prisoners of war. Some of them were younger than me. They were, like, 16. They didn’t know what they were fighting for. They were just pushed into the war.  

So this project was about the war, but it’s also thinking about those kids. They were supposed to be playing, not fighting. So I was thinking, ‘How can I portray those kids living during that time, in the desert, waiting to fight or to be killed?’ So this project became, like, a playroom for grownups. A recreation center in a war zone — everything is kind of childish. This is one of maybe six paintings I did as part of it, along with beaded works. It’s a pencil drawing, but there’s some collage on it, and some abstract painting, and some ink, so it’s mixed media. So the guy holding the lightsaber, that helmet looks like Darth Vader, but it’s not. It’s the helmet of Saddam Hussein’s Fedayeen corps. And I imagined these kids thinking of being a superhero.  




'Laser'

‘Possession’ 

I saw these people at the Prophet’s Mosque in Madinah. At certain times they open it for women, and they allow people to go privately. I was there with my mom and my family and there were screens, and there were these ladies touching the screens. And to me, it felt like, for them, they were in the highest stage of being possessed by religion, in a good way. Feeling invulnerable. They felt like they are connecting with the Prophet. I mean, I don’t know what it meant to them. I don’t know why they were doing it, but it felt so passionate. And it touched me. I felt like, if it gives them satisfaction, let them do it. It felt surreal to me — but I felt their passion.  

‘Once Was A Ruler’ 

This is a combination of different antiquities that were in the National Museum. I was working there at the time. I wanted to talk about something that is taboo. A lot of people think that these pieces are statues of gods. That’s why they’re hidden away. But at that time, these civilizations were not making big sculptures of their gods, they were making them of themselves. They were a sign of power. So I made it look like an X-ray, and I put human bones on it to show that they are human. They were once a ruler, yes, but a person, not a god.  




‘Once Was A Ruler’ 

‘R III’

“R III” means Ramses the Third. I did this in Egypt, at the Pyramids of Giza. Like with AlUla, this is a place I am in awe of. Like, I can’t compete with nature or with history, so I tried to work with it, complementing the place without actually trying to put my force or my creative energy in it. I was humbled in these places. So, I can’t compete with the Pyramids, but I tried to make something inspired by them. When you look at it from above, you see it has the seal of Ramses the Third. That seal has been found near AlUla, and that means he was probably there — not for fighting, but probably exploring, looking for copper or something — because the pharaohs wouldn’t usually let their seals be carried by others. So I wanted to show this bridge between Ancient Egypt and Saudi Arabia.  


Pager and walkie-talkie blasts targeting Hezbollah across Lebanon raise questions, stoke Middle East tensions

Updated 32 min 49 sec ago
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Pager and walkie-talkie blasts targeting Hezbollah across Lebanon raise questions, stoke Middle East tensions

  • Communication devices exploded simultaneously across Lebanon, killing at least 15 people and injuring thousands
  • Suspected Israeli attack represents an embarrassing security breach on such a scale that Hezbollah has almost no choice but to respond

LONDON: At precisely 3:30 p.m. local time on Tuesday, an estimated 3,000 pagers carried by Hezbollah members beeped several times before exploding simultaneously, killing at least 12 people and injuring thousands more across Lebanon and parts of Syria.

At least eight of the dead were reportedly members of Iran-backed Hezbollah, and the many wounded included Mojtaba Amini, Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, who may have lost at least one eye.

But clips from security cameras in shops in Beirut and other locations, circulated on social media, illustrated the dangerously indiscriminate nature of the attack.

Many civilians going about their day also fell victim to the blasts as pagers exploded in supermarkets, on the streets, and in cars and homes. Among the dead were two children who were in the wrong place at the wrong time.

Fleets of ambulances ferried a reported 2,700 wounded to hospitals across Lebanon, where overwhelmed medics struggled to cope with multiple victims suffering serious wounds, mainly to their hips, where pagers are generally worn on belts, and to hands and eyes.

On Wednesday afternoon, further blasts were reported across Lebanon, this time reportedly involving hand-held radios, causing at least three further fatalities and a hundred more wounded, according to Lebanese state media.

 

 

Israel has neither confirmed nor denied responsibility for the attack. But on Wednesday a US official told AP that Israel had briefed Washington on the attack after it had been carried out and, with no other feasible suspect in the frame, there is little doubt that it was the handiwork of Mossad, Israel’s lethally inventive foreign intelligence agency.

It is also clear that, figuratively and literally, the pager attack was both designed and timed to send a message.

The opportunity to use pagers as an offensive weapon arose in February when Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah publicly warned members to stop using cell phones, which are easily bugged and traced and have been linked with many assassinations executed by missile attacks.

 

According to a senior Lebanese security source quoted by The Times of Israel, Hezbollah then ordered 5,000 pagers, which were imported into Lebanon earlier this year.

Initial speculation was that Israel had somehow infected the pagers with code designed to cause lithium batteries inside them to overheat and explode. However, it has since emerged that the pagers used only ordinary AAA batteries.

Besides, the near-instantaneous and synchronized detonations, apparently triggered by incoming messages, suggest the pagers had all been fitted with a small amount of explosive and a miniature electronic detonator.

On Tuesday, a senior Lebanese security source told Reuters: “The Mossad injected a board inside of the device that has explosive material that receives a code. It’s very hard to detect it through any means, even with any device or scanner.”

On Wednesday, Gold Apollo, the Taiwanese firm whose brand name was found on the pagers used in the attack, denied involvement, saying the AR-924 models widely identified after the blasts had been made under license by a Budapest-based company, BAC Consulting KFT.

Hsu Ching-kuang, head of Taiwanese company Gold Apollo, speaks to the media outside the company's office in New Taipei City on Sept. 18, 2024, saying his company had nothing to do with the pager explosion attack in Lebanon. (AFP)

In a statement issued at 1:40 p.m. Taiwan time on Wednesday, Gold Apollo said: “This model is produced and sold by BAC. Our company only provides the brand trademark authorization and is not involved in the design or manufacturing of this product.”

Images of BAC’s headquarters — a modest, semi-detached building on Szonyi Street in the north of Budapest — have spread on social media, but BAC has yet to comment. Its website went offline on Wednesday and the profile of its owner and managing director was deleted from LinkedIn.

It is, however, extremely unlikely that any genuine company would knowingly take part in such an operation, risking Hezbollah’s wrath, knowing full well that the devices would be easily traced back to it. This has provoked some speculation that BAC, established only in 2022, might have been a front company operated by Israeli intelligence.

Combo image showing a walkie-talkie (right frame) that was exploded inside a house in Baalbek, east Lebanon, on Sept. 17, 2024, and a man holding a walkie talkie device after he removed the battery following the pager explosions. (AP/AFP)

A more likely scenario is that the batch of pagers ordered by Hezbollah were intercepted en route to Lebanon by Israeli agents — most probably at a port or airport, where typical customs and shipping delays may have given agents, working with local collaborators, enough time to meddle with the devices.

Budapest, the capital of Hungary, is a major transport hub on the River Danube and is home to Csepel Freeport, the country’s principal port.

Wherever the devices were tampered with, “the use of pagers bears the hallmark of Israel weaponizing digital technology to achieve political ends,” Ibrahim Al-Marashi, associate professor in the Department of History at California State University San Marcos, told Arab News.

Social media photo showing a pager battery that exploded during an apparent Israeli attack on Sept. 17, 2024 against users of the device in southern Lebanon. (AFP)

Israel has “form” in such warfare. In 2010, “a code known as Stuxnet, snuck into a USB drive, caused Iranian centrifuges to accelerate to the point that they destroyed themselves.”

In 1996, Hamas bombmaker Yahya Ayyash was killed when explosives hidden inside his cell phone were triggered remotely by Israeli agents.

“The advantage of the most recent attack in Lebanon is that it allows Israel to strike from a distance while claiming plausible deniability, avoiding a US rebuke at a time when Washington has pressured Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not to strike Hezbollah,” said Al-Marashi.

But the pager attack, he warned, could lead to a dangerous escalation.

“Hezbollah does have the ability to weaponize the digital in retaliation, raising the possibility that violent non-state actors might even pursue artificial intelligence to retaliate against their adversaries.”

Given the complexities of the operation, and the sheer workload involved in sabotaging thousands of devices, there is little doubt that the attack would have been weeks, if not months, in the planning.

But it is the timing of the attack that sends the most worrying signal.

The day after Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, its ally Hezbollah began firing missiles into northern Israel — a near-daily bombardment that has increased steadily in intensity, forcing the evacuation of thousands of Israelis from the border region.

After a meeting of its Security Cabinet on Monday night, barely 12 hours before the pagers were detonated, Netanyahu’s office announced that “the Security Cabinet has updated the objectives of the war to include the following: Returning the residents of the north securely to their homes. Israel will continue to act to implement this objective.”

At the same time, reports suggested Netanyahu was on the brink of buckling to the extremist elements in his cabinet by sacking his Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who has criticized him for having no postwar plan for Gaza, and replacing him with Gideon Saar, leader of the New Hope — The United Right party.

On Wednesday, the day after the pager attack, reports in Israeli and other media, citing anonymous US and Israeli officials, suggested it had been planned originally as “an opening blow in an all-out war against Hezbollah.”

According to The Times of Israel, a Hezbollah operative “had come to suspect the devices had been tampered with.” He was killed before he could alert his superiors, but the decision was taken to detonate the pagers before the plot was uncovered.

The question now is whether Israel is poised to follow up the pager attack, perhaps as was planned, with an all-out assault against Hezbollah in Lebanon.

“We have been teetering on the brink of a wider war for many months now,” Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East and North Africa program at the London-based Royal United Services Institute, told Arab News.

“Hezbollah and Iran have made it clear they don’t want this broader conflict to erupt, but Israel cannot end the war in Gaza without addressing the security crisis on its northern borders with Iran, Lebanon and Syria.

“In order to address this security imbalance, which puts at risk the safety of the broader population but also that of those displaced since the war began, Israel is trying to target and degrade the ‘Axis of Resistance’ to stave off further threats,” she said, referring to the loose network of Iranian proxies throughout the region.

“But this strategy could certainly push the groups and Iran to respond and eventually draw in regional states and above all the US.”

Most Israelis, said Daniel Seidemann, an Israeli lawyer and founder of the nongovernmental organization Terrestrial Jerusalem, “will tell you that war with Hezbollah is inevitable, but a large percentage say: ‘Not now.’

“The priorities for many are a ceasefire in Gaza, release of the hostages and dialing down the tension in Lebanon. Hezbollah can wait,” he told Arab News.

“Hezbollah, actively backed by Iran, is a much greater threat to Israel than Hamas and the general perception is that there will eventually be a war with Hezbollah, but Israelis know this will be much different than what we have witnessed in the past. It would mean years of war and vast devastation.

“But Netanyahu has a vested interest in the perpetuation of the war, which would be good for Netanyahu but intolerable for Israel.”

What happens next, added Seidemann, “is not only an Israeli decision. Will the US provide the munitions and the rest of the world the legitimization to pursue a protracted war in Lebanon?

“The bottom line is that right now, anything can happen.”

For Al-Marashi, “there are a lot of variables in regard to further escalation that make predictions difficult, more difficult than at any time in analyzing systemic conflicts in the Middle East.

“Despite US sanctions on Iran, news emerged over the weekend that Iran has launched a satellite into space and allegedly has provided ballistic missiles to Russia.

“Second, the Houthis in Yemen have overcome a technical hurdle, launching a ballistic missile against Israel and having it hit Israeli soil, meaning Israel’s system that intercepts such missiles failed.

“From that perspective, both Israeli adversaries have demonstrated they can overcome technical hurdles, signaling to Israel that it is not invulnerable.”

Were a regional war to escalate, he added, “it would put US positions in Bahrain and Iraq in the crosshairs of the Axis of Resistance. Biden, seeking to ensure a Kamala Harris victory in the US election, is most likely going to pressure Israel not to escalate matters prior to the election.

“At the same time, if war in the Middle East helped Donald Trump, that would work to the advantage of Netanyahu, who would prefer a Trump presidency.”

The Middle East, said Brian Katulis, senior fellow for US foreign policy at the Washington-based Middle East Institute, “has been teetering on the edge of a wider escalation for much of this past year, with the risk of nation-states going directly to war with one another growing.”

It was, he told Arab News, important to keep in mind the two core drivers of events — “a regime in Iran that operates with a revolutionary ideology that seeks to upend the state order of the Middle East, and an increasingly right-wing Israeli government that rejects a two-state solution and is unable to see the historic opportunity it has in opening relations with key Arab states if it took steps to define a clear end to this war that leads to a State of Palestine.”

In this context, “the US and outside actors such as Europe, China, and Russia can play important roles in trying to shape the trajectory of events in the region, but the main drivers are the regional actors themselves.

“One interesting pivotal grouping is the Arab Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, who do not want to see a wider regional escalation with Iran but do want to advance a two-state solution.”

Right now, however, even as uncertainty remains about Israel’s next move, much depends on how Hezbollah will respond to the extraordinary blow it suffered on Tuesday.

The attack, described by a Hezbollah official as “the targeting of an entire nation,” has been condemned as “an extremely concerning escalation” by Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, the UN special coordinator for Lebanon.

In the past year, Hezbollah has suffered the loss of more than 400 fighters, including senior commander Fuad Shukr, to Israeli airstrikes in Lebanon.

But the pager attack represents an embarrassing security breach on such a scale that if it is to save face, Hezbollah’s leadership has almost no choice but to respond with more than the usual daily delivery of a handful of rockets.

After Israel’s multiple airstrikes in southern Lebanon last week and now the pager attack, “we are more on the precipice of a regional war than ever,” Kelly Petillo, program manager for Middle East and North Africa at the European Council on Foreign Relations, told Arab News.

“We will have to see how Hezbollah will retaliate now, and the level of that response will determine where this goes. But these episodes are an indication that things are heating up and we are close to the precipice.”

As for Netanyahu, after almost a year of fighting in Gaza, the fear now is that his answer to growing domestic criticism over the apparent absence of a postwar plan may be an even more nightmarish scenario — more war, only this time in Lebanon.

 


Ukraine’s Zelensky says ‘victory plan’ is ready

Updated 19 September 2024
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Ukraine’s Zelensky says ‘victory plan’ is ready

President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Wednesday that his “Victory Plan,” intended to bring peace to Ukraine while keeping the country strong an avoiding all “frozen conflicts,” was now complete after much consultation.

Zelensky pledged last month to present his plan to US President Joe Biden, presumably next week when he attends sessions of the UN Security Council and General Assembly.

While providing daily updates on the plan’s preparation, Zelensky has given few clues of the contents, indicating only that it aims to create terms acceptable to Ukraine, now locked in conflict with Russia for more than 2 1/2 years.

“Today, it can be said that our victory plan is fully prepared. All the points, all key focus areas and all necessary detailed additions of the plan have been defined,” Zelensky said in his nightly video address.

“The most important thing is the determination to implement it.

There was, Zelensky said, no alternative to peace, “no freezing of the war or any other manipulations that would simply postpone Russian aggression to another stage.”

On Tuesday, the president said a meeting with top commanders had produced “good and strong content” in military terms, “precisely the kind that can significantly strengthen Ukraine.”

Zelensky has used as the basis for negotiations a peace plan he presented in late 2022 calling for a withdrawal of all Russian troops, the restoration of Ukraine’s post-Soviet borders and a means to bring Russian to account for its invasion.

The plan was the focal point of a “peace summit” hosted by Switzerland in June with participants pledging to convene a second summit later this year. Russia was not invited to the June summit and branded it as meaningless, though Ukraine and its allies say Moscow could attend the next gathering.

Zelensky has rejected any notion of negotiations while Russian troops occupy nearly 20 percent of the country’s territory.

Russia has repeatedly said it is willing to negotiate, but rules out discussions while Ukrainian forces remain in its southern Kursk region an incursion into the area last month. 


Tunisia presidential candidate gets prison term, still on ballot: lawyer

Updated 19 September 2024
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Tunisia presidential candidate gets prison term, still on ballot: lawyer

TUNIS: Tunisian presidential candidate Ayachi Zammel was handed a 20-month prison term for charges related to forging voter endorsements Wednesday but will still stand in next month’s election, his lawyer told AFP.

Zammel, a former lawmaker and head of a small liberal party, is one of only two candidates approved by Tunisia’s electoral authority ISIE to challenge President Kais Saied in the October 6 poll.

One of Zammel’s lawyers, Abdessatar Messaoudi, said a court in the northwestern city of Jendouba issued the sentence which the defense team “will appeal.”

Messaoudi said the ruling was not final and does not prevent 43-year-old Zammel from remaining on the presidential ballot.

“He is still a presidential candidate, and his team will keep campaigning,” the lawyer said.

“Nothing can put an end to his candidacy apart from death.”

In the 2019 election that brought Saied to power, businessman Nabil Karoui made it to the second round behind bars.

Zammel, a businessman who was little-known to the general public before his presidential bid, was arrested on September 2 on suspicion of forging endorsements.

He was released on September 6, but was almost immediately arrested again on similar accusations.

Saied, 66, the incumbent and frontrunner, was democratically elected but orchestrated a sweeping power grab in 2021 and has since ruled by decree.

ISIE earlier this month announced the final list of approved candidates: Saied, Zammel and former lawmaker Zouhair Maghzaoui, 59, who had supported the president’s power grab.

The election board dismissed the presidential bids of three other hopefuls despite court orders in their favor.

Human Rights Watch accused ISIE of having “intervened to skew the ballot in favor of Saied,” with at least eight prospective candidates prosecuted, convicted or imprisoned in the run-up to the election.

“Holding elections amid such repression makes a mockery of Tunisians’ right to participate in free and fair elections,” said the New York-based advocacy group.

The European Union has said Zammel’s arrest and the exclusion of the three candidates demonstrated “a continued limitation of the democratic space” in Tunisia.


A war with Hezbollah may be looming. Is Israel prepared?

Updated 19 September 2024
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A war with Hezbollah may be looming. Is Israel prepared?

  • Israeli media reported Wednesday that the government has not yet decided whether to launch a major offensive in Lebanon

JERUSALEM: With Israel’s defense minister announcing a “new phase” of the war and an apparent Israeli attack setting off explosions in electronic devices in Lebanon, the specter of all-out combat between Israel and Hezbollah seems closer than ever before.
Hopes for a diplomatic solution to the conflict appear to be fading quickly as Israel signals a desire to change the status quo in the country’s north, where it has exchanged cross-border fire with Hezbollah since the Lebanese militant group began attacking on Oct. 8, a day after the war’s opening salvo by Hamas.
In recent days, Israel has moved a powerful fighting force up to the northern border, officials have escalated their rhetoric, and the country’s security Cabinet has designated the return of tens of thousands of displaced residents to their homes in northern Israel an official war goal.
Here’s a look at how Israel is preparing for a war with Lebanon:
Troops drawn from Gaza to the northern border
While the daily fighting between Israel and Hezbollah has escalated on several occasions, the bitter enemies have been careful to avoid an all-out war.
That appears to be changing — especially after pagers, walkie-talkies, solar equipment and other devices exploded in Lebanon on Tuesday and Wednesday, killing at least 20 and wounding thousands in a sophisticated attack Hezbollah blamed on Israel.
“You don’t do something like that, hit thousands of people, and think war is not coming,” said retired Israeli Brig. Gen. Amir Avivi, who leads Israel Defense and Security Forum, a group of hawkish former military commanders. “Why didn’t we do it for 11 months? Because we were not willing to go to war yet. What’s happening now? Israel is ready for war.”
As fighting in Gaza has slowed, Israel has fortified forces along the border with Lebanon, including the arrival this week of a powerful army division that took part in some of the heaviest fighting in Gaza.
The 98th Division is believed to include thousands of troops, including paratrooper infantry units and artillery and elite commando forces specially trained for operations behind enemy lines. Their deployment was confirmed by an official with knowledge of the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss troop movements.
The division played a key role in Gaza, spearheading the army’s operations in the southern city of Khan Younis, a Hamas stronghold. The offensive inflicted heavy losses on Hamas fighters and tunnels, but also wreaked massive damage, sent thousands of Palestinians fleeing and resulted in scores of civilian deaths. Israel says Hamas endangers civilians by hiding in residential areas.
The military also said it staged a series of drills this week along the border.
“The mission is clear,” said Maj. Gen. Ori Gordin, who heads Israel’s Northern Command. “We are determined to change the security reality as soon as possible.”
A ‘new phase’ of war
The military movements have been accompanied by heightened rhetoric from Israel’s leaders, who say their patience is running thin.
Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on Wednesday night declared the start of a ” new phase” of the war as Israel turns its focus toward Hezbollah. “The center of gravity is shifting to the north by diverting resources and forces,” he said.
He spoke a day after Israel’s Cabinet made the return of displaced residents to their homes in northern Israel a formal goal of the war. The move was largely symbolic — Israeli leaders have long pledged to bring those residents home. But elevating the significance of the aim signaled a tougher stance.
After meeting Wednesday with top security officials, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared: “We will return the residents of the north securely to their homes.”
Netanyahu delivered a similarly tough message with a top US envoy sent to the region this week to soothe tensions.
An official with knowledge of the encounter told The Associated Press that the envoy, Amos Hochstein, told Netanyahu that intensifying the conflict with Hezbollah would not help return evacuated Israelis back home.
Netanyahu, according to a statement from his office, told Hochstein that residents cannot return without “a fundamental change in the security situation in the north.” The statement said that while Netanyahu “appreciates and respects” US support, Israel will “do what is necessary to safeguard its security.”
Is war inevitable?
Israeli media reported Wednesday that the government has not yet decided whether to launch a major offensive in Lebanon.
Much, it seems, will depend on Hezbollah’s response. The group’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, is expected to deliver a major speech on Thursday.
But public sentiment in Israel seems to be supportive of tougher action against Hezbollah.
A recent poll by the Israeli Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank, found that 67 percent of Jewish respondents thought Israel should intensify its response to Hezbollah. The majority believed Israel should launch a deep offensive that includes striking Lebanese infrastructure.
“There’s a lot of pressure from the society to go to war and win,” said Avivi, the retired general. “Unless Hezbollah tomorrow morning says, ‘OK, we got the message. We’re pulling out of south Lebanon,’ war is imminent.”
Such a war would almost certainly prove devastating to both sides.
Already, more than 500 people have been killed in Lebanon by Israeli strikes since Oct. 8, most of them fighters with Hezbollah and other armed groups but also more than 100 civilians. In northern Israel, at least 23 soldiers and 26 civilians have been killed by strikes from Lebanon.
Israel inflicted heavy damage on Lebanon during a monthlong war against Hezbollah in 2006 that ended in a stalemate. Israeli leaders have threatened even tougher action this time around, vowing to repeat the scenes of destruction from Gaza in Lebanon.
But Hezbollah also has built up its capabilities since 2006. Hezbollah has an estimated 150,000 rockets and missiles, some believed to have guidance systems that could threaten sensitive targets in Israel. It has also developed an increasingly sophisticated fleet of drones.
Capable of striking all parts of Israel, Hezbollah could bring life in Israel to a standstill and send hundreds of thousands of Israelis fleeing.


Venezuelan opposition candidate says letter conceding election was coerced

Updated 19 September 2024
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Venezuelan opposition candidate says letter conceding election was coerced

CARACAS: Venezuela’s opposition candidate Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia said Wednesday he had been coerced into signing a letter distributed by Venezuelan authorities in which he supposedly conceded election defeat to strongman President Nicolas Maduro.

In the letter, dated September 7 and addressed to parliamentary leader Jorge Rodriguez, Gonzalez Urrutia said “I respect” the regime-aligned CNE electoral council’s proclamation of Maduro as the winner of the July 28 vote.

But on Wednesday, the 75-year-old retired diplomat published a message on X from Madrid, where he was given asylum after weeks in hiding in Venezuela, saying he was made to sign the letter in exchange for being allowed to leave.

Maduro aides brought him the letter at the Spanish embassy in Caracas and “I had to either sign it or deal with the consequences.”

Gonzalez Urrutia added “there were very tense hours of coercion, blackmail and pressure. At that point I considered I could be of more use free than if I were imprisoned.”

The letter, he said, was worthless as it was tainted by “coercion.”

Within hours of polls closing, the CNE declared Maduro the victor with 52 percent of votes cast.

The opposition immediately cried foul and dozens of countries refused to recognize Maduro’s claim to a third six-year term unless the CNE published a detailed vote breakdown, which it has not.

The United States has said there was “overwhelming evidence” that Gonzalez Urrutia had won.

The opposition presented its own figures based on polling station-level counts which it says proves Gonzalez Urrutia won by a landslide.

Gonzalez Urrutia vowed on Wednesday that “as the president elected by millions and millions of Venezuelans who voted for change, democracy and peace, I will not be silenced.”

He left for Spain under the cloud of an arrest warrant condemned by the international community for “serious crimes” related to his insistence that Maduro had stolen the vote.

Gonzalez Urrutia had ignored three successive summonses to appear before prosecutors investigating him for alleged crimes including “usurpation” of public functions, “forgery” of a public document, incitement to disobedience and sabotage.

The charges stem from the opposition’s publication of voting results, which the government says only authorized institutions have the right to do.

The CNE has said it cannot publish the voting records as hackers had corrupted the data, though observers have said there was no evidence of such interference.

Gonzalez Urrutia replaced opposition leader Maria Corina Machado on the ballot at the last minute after she was barred from running by institutions loyal to the Maduro regime.

She, too, has been mostly in hiding since the vote, except for appearing at a handful of organized demonstrations.

Maduro has said both Gonzalez Urrutia and Machado belong “behind bars,” blaming them for the deaths of 25 civilians and two soldiers in protests that broke out spontaneously after his alleged victory was announced.

Nearly 200 people were injured and more than 2,400 arrested.

Maduro has managed to cling to power despite sanctions stepped up after his 2018 reelection, also dismissed as a sham by dozens of countries.