Pakistan’s will have to wait much longer for a warm embrace from Bangladesh
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The revolt against the dynastic regime headed by Sheikh Hasina Wajid in Bangladesh was in the making for a long time, but what’s startling are the revisiting of some of the myths around the creation of Bangladesh, the role of India and its relationship with Pakistan. The pulling down of the statues of the founder of Bangladesh, Shiekh Mujibur Rehman, erasing all traces of the ‘national hero’ tells the story of a new generation of leaders, genuinely nationalist, rooted in society and concerned about big questions of justice, rule of law, democracy and human rights. Awami League (AL), the party of the Sheikh dynasty, overexploited its claim to win independence for Bangladesh for too long by weaving poisonous narratives against Pakistan, highly exaggerating casualties of civilians during the military action by the Pakistan Army in 1971. Doing so served the political purpose of demonizing opposition figures and political parties like the Jamaat-i-Islami and Muslim League by linking them to Pakistan- the enemy.
There is no doubt that tens of thousands of people on both sides were killed in the 1971 civil war. There are true stories of violence, torture and destruction.
But the AL carefully crafted a political strategy and used it very effectively to establish its political legitimacy and to carve out a constituency of support through extensive state patronage to their ‘freedom fighters’ families, generation after generation. It reserved prestigious bureaucratic jobs for them, which became the real reason for revolt by students who demanded fair competition and equal opportunities. There was a political objective to exploit the liberation mythology by doing two things: extending benefits and crony capitalism to party workers and leaders and marginalizing the imagined ‘enemies’ of Bangladesh, a euphemism for groups, individuals and a political class that had supported the unity of Pakistan during the civil war. These politics had a very strong bearing on Dhaka’s relationship with Pakistan. Branding critics and political opponents as ‘enemies’ was also meant to shield the big oligarchy which Wajid was able to create from vast-scale corruption.
This means going much further than the past decades’ normal, often reserved and cold relationship, to that of a closer one with deeper social, political and economic ties.
Rasul Bakhsh Rais
After 55 years, a generational change in Bangladesh’s society, politics, and intellectual climate doesn’t suit the old narrative of the classification of enemies, including Pakistan, in its vastly changed regional and global environment. All issues are now local and national, and one can find the enemies of the people within; many of the autocratic states run high on corruption and low on the issue of justice and the rule of law. As we have seen in many cases in the Middle East as well, the use of state force has been the last refuge of dictators. The former prime minister of Bangladesh did this exactly. Bangladesh, unlike Pakistan, has a strong culture of protest, resistance, and rebellion against unjust rule. Compared to Pakistan, its political culture was always middle-class-oriented, non-feudal or tribal, and more nuanced and deeper in political conversations. While the ruling oligarchy had imprisoned with impunity, its suppression of the agitated students’ movement created a mass uprising on a scale never seen before. The difference this time was that there was brash youth more focused on what they could see and were experiencing than old stories of the ‘enemies’ of Bangladesh (invoking Pakistan). It is not surprising that Hasina Wajid’s parting kick was accusing Pakistan of its involvement in her ouster — laughable at best.
Some circles in Pakistan have mutely debated whether the post-Awami League power setup would be open to reconciliation between the two countries — formerly two wings of the same country. This means going much further than the past decades’ normal, often reserved and cold relationship, to that of a closer one with deeper social, political and economic ties. However, during the years the AL was not in power, the government of the Bangladesh National Party and a couple of military regimes had a warmer, more cooperative relationship with Pakistan.
The interim Bangladesh government will tread the path of reconciliation carefully for reasons of political risks, and that may not be a priority, as economic, political and institutional restructuring tops the to-do list. Pakistan’s eagerness for a warm embrace will have to wait longer.
- Rasul Bakhsh Rais is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, LUMS, Lahore. His latest book is “Islam, Ethnicity and Power Politics: Constructing Pakistan’s National Identity” (Oxford University Press, 2017).
