Achieving Pakistan’s foreign policy objectives

Earlier this month, an envoys conference was held in Islamabad in which Pakistani ambassadors and high commissioners in key capitals participated. Such conferences are routinely held to take stock of the country’s foreign policy challenges and how to effectively address them. However, for the first time the conference was held while a caretaker government is at the helm of affairs. Be that as it may, the conference could be seen as a useful exercise to prepare well-calibrated foreign-policy recommendations for the new government to be formed after general elections early next month. 

No matter who forms the next government, it goes without saying that Islamabad is in need of some well-considered adjustments, enabling its diplomacy to safeguard Pakistan’s interests in increasingly complex, divisive and fluid regional and global scenarios. Broadly speaking, it comes down to two inextricably intertwined foreign policy objectives, namely, increasing Pakistan’s diplomatic space and realizing its socio-economic development agenda. 

It is a given that the direction of a country’s foreign policy though not etched in stone nevertheless cannot be changed swiftly. And usually, if not invariably, it is the conduct of diplomacy that needs to be finessed rather than fiddling with the fundamentals of foreign policy objectives. This seems to be far more cogent in the case of Pakistan.

It is high time Pakistan comes up with a sustainable “Go Gulf” policy. Diplomacy can work in a myriad unexpected ways, provided a vision with achievable goalposts is clearly articulated.

- Abdul Basit

There are five key areas which the next government in Islamabad must have clarity on upfront, allowing it to conduct focused diplomacy accordingly. Five years is a good time-frame to deliver results. 

First, strategic relations with China must not only be preserved but further strengthened. There is no room for raising unnecessary questions in this regard. Even if there are genuine divergences and differing perspectives, those must not be discussed in the public domain as some of Pakistan’s cabinet ministers were wont to do in the PTI dispensation. The next prime minister will be well advised to start his foreign visits with Beijing.

Second, of particular importance are Pakistan’s relations with Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region at large. The latter can be of enormous help to Pakistan economically through investments, trade and remittances. It is indeed unfortunate that Pakistan has not been able to harness this potential for a slew of reasons including its institutional inability to pursue initiatives through the end. Internal political and religious dynamics have also impacted adversely. 

It is high time Pakistan comes up with a sustainable “Go Gulf” policy. Diplomacy can work in a myriad unexpected ways, provided a vision with achievable goalposts is clearly articulated. It is hoped that the next government in Islamabad will be up to the task. 

Third, regional stability is undeniably essential for Pakistan to realize its economic aspirations. To this end, relations with Afghanistan and India will have to be handled with patience. Undoubtedly, the Taliban are difficult to deal with. However, it is somewhat incomprehensible to have lost ground in Kabul so quickly after the Taliban came back to power in August 2021. Islamabad can certainly do much better, given the mutuality of interests. Sustained bilateral engagement should help address mutual grievances ranging from militancy against Pakistan to the return of Afghan refugees. 

As for India, the new government will need, perhaps, many brainstorming sessions to get clarity not on what India’s game plan is but what Pakistan can do or must do. Islamabad particularly needs to revisit its Kashmir policy. More of the same will not work. Freezing the dispute for 20 years was discussed as an option with New Delhi during back channel talks following the abrogation of the special status of Kashmir by India in August 2019.

Should Modi win a third term in May this year, he will likely be very keen to reach out to Pakistan, for he hopefully understands the importance of bilateral engagement for India as well. He would like to see Pakistan agreeing on a 20-year freeze on the Kashmir dispute to focus on economic ties and regional connectivity. Such an arrangement could push the two sides toward a status-quo based solution. In case Nawaz Sharif comes back to power in Pakistan, we may see the two countries gradually moving in that direction. 

Fourth, Pakistan can barely overestimate the importance of its relations with the US and other Western countries. Islamabad needs to focus on injecting more and more substance into bilateral relations. Its strategic partnership with China should not be a moot point, especially when the US itself is equipping India with all kinds of sophisticated weaponry that can potentially be used against Pakistan. It must be made clear that China-Pakistan relations are in our core national interest, and beyond compromise. They have nothing to do with the US-China global rivalry. 

Fifth, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) is in need of more resources and long overdue restructuring. To begin with, the new elected government must consider merging the Economic Affairs Division and the External Publicity Wing of the Ministry of Information with MoFA. This is necessary in order to creating synergies and to make economic and public diplomacy meaningful.

To conclude, Pakistan will continue finding it difficult to accomplish much on the foreign policy front if it remains embroiled in a political mess internally. After all the first principle of good foreign policy is good governance at home. 

- Abdul Basit is DG, Islamabad Centre for Regional Studies. He was previously Pakistan ambassador to Germany and Pakistan High Commissioner for India.
Twitter: @abasitpak1